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Serbia

SERBIA

LOCATION, SIZE, AND EXTENT
TOPOGRAPHY
CLIMATE
FLORA AND FAUNA
ENVIRONMENT
POPULATION
MIGRATION
ETHNIC GROUPS
LANGUAGES
RELIGIONS
TRANSPORTATION
HISTORY
GOVERNMENT
POLITICAL PARTIES
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
JUDICIAL SYSTEM
ARMED FORCES
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION
ECONOMY
INCOME
LABOR
AGRICULTURE
ANIMAL HUSBANDRY
FISHING
FORESTRY
MINING
ENERGY AND POWER
INDUSTRY
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
DOMESTIC TRADE
FOREIGN TRADE
BALANCE OF PAYMENTS
BANKING AND SECURITIES
INSURANCE
PUBLIC FINANCE
TAXATION
CUSTOMS AND DUTIES
FOREIGN INVESTMENT
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT
HEALTH
HOUSING
EDUCATION
LIBRARIES AND MUSEUMS
MEDIA
ORGANIZATIONS
TOURISM, TRAVEL, AND RECREATION
FAMOUS SERBS
DEPENDENCIES
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Republic of Serbia

CAPITAL: Belgrade

FLAG: The flag has three equal horizontal stripes of red (top), blue, and white, with the coat of arms set slightly to the hoist side.

ANTHEM: Boze Pravde (God of Justice)

MONETARY UNIT: The new dinar (jd) replaced the dinar on 24 January 1994. jd1 = $0.01499 (or $1 = jd66.68973; as of 2 June 2006).

WEIGHTS AND MEASURES: The metric system is in force.

HOLIDAYS: New Year's Day, 1 and 2 January; Orthodox Christmas, 7 January; Orthodox New Year, 13 January; Unification of Serbia, 28 March; FR Yugoslavia Day, 27 April; Labor Day, 1 May; Victory Day, 9 May; St. Vitus Day, 28 June; Serbian Uprising, 7 July.

TIME: 1 pm = noon GMT.

LOCATION, SIZE, AND EXTENT

Serbia is situated on the central part of the Balkan Peninsula. The total area was approximately 88,412 sq km (34,135 sq mi). The entire country is about the size of Maine. Serbia is bordered on the n by Hungary, on the ne by Romania, on the e by Bulgaria, on the s by Macedonia and Albania, on the sw by Montenegro, on the w by Bosnia and Herzegovina, and on the nw by Croatia; total land boundary length is 2,114.2 km (1,313.76 mi). There are territorial disputes with Bosnia and Herzegovina over Serbian-populated areas.

Serbia's capital is Belgrade, situated in north central Serbia.

TOPOGRAPHY

Rich fertile plains are found in the Serbian north, while in the east there are limestone ranges and basins. Nearly half of Serbia is mountainous, with the Dinaric Alps on the western border, the North Albanian Alps (Prokletija) and the Sar Mountains in the south, and the Balkan Mountains along the southeast border. The highest point is Daravica, in the North Albanian Alps, at 2,656 m (8,714 ft). Of its mountains, 15 reach heights of over 2,000 m (6,600 ft).

The Danube is the longest river. With a total length of 2,783 km (1,729 mi), about 588 km (365 mi) flows from west to east through the northern region of Serbia. The Tisa, Sava and Morava rivers are major tributaries of the Danube.

Located on the Eurasian Tectonic Plate, there are several fault lines running through the country which seismically active. Earth tremors are fairly common and destructive earthquakes have occurred.

CLIMATE

In the north, winters are cold and summers are hot and humid. In the central and southern regions, the climate is more continental. Annual precipitation in most of the country is 56 to 190 cm (22 to 75 in).

FLORA AND FAUNA

The forests of Serbia contain about 170 broadleaf species of trees and shrubs, along with about 35 coniferous species. The animals found in Serbia include types of hare, pheasant, deer, stag, wild boar, fox, chamois, mouflon, crane, duck, and goose. As of 2002, in the union of Serbia and Montenegro, there were at least 96 species of mammals, 238 species of birds, and over 4,000 species of plants throughout the country.

ENVIRONMENT

Industrial wastes are dumped into the Sava, which flows into the Danube. Air pollution is a problem around Belgrade and other industrial cities. Thermal energy plants utilize technology from the 1950s and mostly burn lignite; since combustion is inefficient, air pollution is a major problem in Kosovo. Destructive earthquakes are a natural hazard.

In 2001, the union of Serbia and Montenegro had 104 protected areas, covering about 3.3% of the nation's total land area. There are four Wetlands of International Importance in Serbia and three World Heritage Sites. According to a 2006 report issued by the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN), the number of threatened species in the union of Serbia and Montenegro included 10 types of mammals, 10 species of birds, 1 type of reptile, 1 species of amphibian, 20 species of fish, 19 species of invertebrates, and 1 species of plants. Threatened species include Atlantic sturgeon, slender-billed curlew, black vultures, asps, bald ibis, Danube salmon, several species of shark, the red wood ant, and beluga. At least one type of mollusk has become extinct.

POPULATION

The population of Serbia in 2002 was 7,498,001 (excluding Kosovo). In 2005, in the union of Serbia and Montenegro, approximately 14% of the population was over 65 years of age, with another 19% of the population under 15 years of age. There were 99 males for every 100 females in the country. According to the UN, the annual population rate of change for 200510 was expected to be 0.2%, due to a low fertility rate and high emigration rate. The government of Serbia and Montenegro viewed the population decline as a major concern. The population density of the union of Serbia and Montenegro was 105 per sq km (272 per sq mi).

The UN estimated that 52% of the population of the union of Serbia and Montenegro lived in urban areas in 2005, and that urban areas were growing at an annual rate of 0.47%. The capital city, Belgrade, had a population of 1,576,124 in 2002.

MIGRATION

The following information on migration pertains to the union of Serbia and Montenegro based on statistics gathered prior to Montenegro's independence in 2006. During the 1960s and 1970s, many Serbs fled from the Yugoslav Socialist Federal Republic, seeking political and economic freedom. The breakup of the Yugoslav SFR in the early 1990s and the ethnic hostilities that came in its aftermath resulted in enormous migrations to and from its various former republics. During the first half of 1999, the situation of refugees and internally displaced people deteriorated even further. As of 30 June 1999, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported 508,000 refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia; 770,000 returnees to Kosovo, and 500,000 other refugees remained; 220,000 Serb, Montenegrin, and Roma internally displaced persons from Kosovo were living in other parts of the former Yugoslavia. The total number of migrants in 2000 was 626,000. By the end of 2004, these numbers were still rising; UNHCR reported a total of 627,476 persons of concern. There were 276,683 refugees, 180,117 Croatians and over 95,000 from Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition, in that same year there were 248,154 internally displaced persons, 85,000 local residents at risk, 8,143 refugees who returned primarily to Croatia), and another 9,456 refugees returning to other places of origin during the year. In 2004, over 204,000 Serbs and Montenegrins were refugees in Germany, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Switzerland, Canada, France, and Australia. Also, in that same year over 29,000 Serbs and Montenegrins sought asylum in 18 countries primarily in Europe, in the United Kingdom and the United States.

In 2005 the net migration rate was an estimated -1.3 migrants per 1,000 population, down from 3.9 migrants per 1,000 in 1990. The government views the migration levels as too high. Worker remittances in 2003 amounted to $2.7 billion.

ETHNIC GROUPS

Ethnic Serbs constitute a majority in Serbia, at about 82.86% (excluding Kosovo). There are 37 different ethnicities in Serbia. Ethnic Albanians are concentrated in the Kosovo region of southwest Serbia. Ethnic Hungarians make up about 3.91% of the population and live in northern Serbia near the Hungarian border. The remaining population consists primarily of Slavic Muslims, Bulgarians, Slovaks, Macedonians, Croats, Roma, Montenegrins, Ruthenians, Romanians, Vlachs, Bunjevci, and Turks.

LANGUAGES

Serbian is the official language; more than 95% of the population speak it; Albanian accounts for the remaining 5%. The script in official use is Cyrillic, while the Latin script is also used. In the areas inhabited by ethnic minorities, the languages and scripts of the minorities are in official use, as provided by law.

RELIGIONS

The ancestors of the Serbs converted to Christianity in the 9th century and sided with Eastern Orthodoxy after the Great Schism of 1054 that split Christendom between the Eastern and Roman Churches. The Serbian Orthodox Church has been autonomous since 1219. Islam came to the area from the Ottoman Turks in the 15th century. Though there is no state religion, the Serbian Orthodox Church does receive some preferential treatment from the state.

About 78% of the total population of the union of Serbia and Montenegro prior to Montenegro's independence in 2006 were Serbian Orthodox. Muslims accounted for 5% of the total population, Roman Catholics for 4%, and Protestants 1%. Protestant denominations include Baptists, Adventists, Reformed Christians, Evangelical Christians, Evangelical Methodists, Jehovah's Witnesses, the Church of Christ, Mormons, and Pentecostals. There is a small Jewish community in the country. In Kosovo, Islam is the dominant religion, but Serbs in Kosovo are generally Serbian Orthodox.

TRANSPORTATION

In 2002, Serbia had 3,619 km (2,248.8 mi) of railroads, all of it standard gauge. Railways connect Belgrade with Budapest and Zagreb. The Belgrade-Bar line links Serbia to Montenegro and terminates at the Adriatic Sea. Rail service is provided by locomotives manufactured in the 1950s and 1960s.

Asphalt road length totaled 42,692 km (26,528.8 mi) in 2002 in Serbia, and there were 24,860 km (15,448 mi) of concrete roads. While the freeway between Belgrade and Zagreb is officially open, the lack of normal relations between Serbia and Croatia has kept commercial traffic on the highway to a minimum. In 2003, there were 1,650,000 passenger cars and 155,000 commercial vehicles in the union of Serbia and Montenegro.

The Danube, Sava, and Tisa are important commercial rivers, with ports at Belgrade, Novi Sad, Sabac, Pancevo, Smederevo, and Prahovo. Serbia's river fleet has a large transport capacity in Europe. As of 2004, the union of Serbia and Montenegro's navigable inland waterway system totaled 587 km (365 mi).

There were an estimated 43 airports in Serbia in 2004. As of 2005, half of them had paved runways, and there were also four heliports. Yugoslav Aero Transport (YAT) operates from Belgrade. YAT is considering upgrading its aging fleet for European destinations. Passengers carried on scheduled domestic and international flights in 2003 in the union of Serbia and Montenegro were about 1.298 million.

HISTORY

The Serbs, one of the large family of Slavic nations, first began settling in the Balkans around the 7th century in the areas now known as Bosnia, Kosovo, and Montenegro, straddling the line that since ad 395 had divided the Eastern and Western halves of the Roman Empire.

Tracing the origins of the Serbs (and Croats) has fueled many debates among historians, but there seems to be a consensus on their Sarmatian (Iranian) origin. Having assimilated into the Slavic tribes, the Serbs migrated with them west into central Europe (White Serbia) in the Saxony area and from there moved to the Balkans around ad 626 upon an invitation by the Byzantine emperor Heraclius to assist him in repelling the Avar and Persian attack on Constantinople. Having settled in the Balkan area the Serbs organized several principalities of their own, made up of a number of clans headed by leaders known as zupans. Both the Byzantine Empire and the Bulgars tried to conquer them, but the Serbs were too decentralized to be conquered.

Between the 9th and 12th centuries, several Serbian principalities evolved, among them Raška in the mountainous north of Montenegro and southern Serbia, and Zeta (south Montenegro along the Adriatic coast), whose ruler Mihajlo (Michael) was anointed king by Pope Gregory VII in 1077.

In the late 10th century the Bulgarian khan (leader) Samuilo extended his control over Bosnia, Raška, and Zeta, north to the Sava River, and south over Macedonia. Raška became the area from where the medieval Serbian empire developed. Stephen Nemanja, grand zupan of Raška, fought against the Byzantines in ad 1169, and added Zeta to his domain in 1186. He built several Serbian monasteries, including Hilandar on Mount Athos. His son, Rastko, became a monk (Sava) and the first Serbian archbishop of the new Serbian Autocephalous Church in 1219. The second son, Stephen, received his crown from Pope Innocent IV in 1202. Stephen developed political alliances that, following his death in 1227, allowed Serbia to resist the pressure from Bulgaria and, internally, keep control over subordinate zupans. Archbishop Sava (later Saint Sava) preferred the Byzantine Church and utilized the Orthodox religion in his nation-building effort. He began by establishing numerous Serbian-Orthodox monasteries around Serbia. He also succeeded in turning Zeta from Catholicism to Serbian Orthodoxy.

The medieval Serbian empire, under Stephen Dušan the Mighty (133155) extended from the Aegean Sea to the Danube (Belgrade), along the Adriatic and Ionian coasts from the Neretva River to the Gulf of Corinth and controlled, aside from the central Serbian lands, Macedonia, Thessaly, the Epirus, and Albania. The Serbian Church obtained its own patriarchate, with its center in Peć. Serbia became an exporting land with abundant crops and minerals. Dušan, who was crowned tsar of "the Serbs and Greeks" in 1346, gave Serbia its first code of laws based on a combination of Serbian customs and Byzantine law. His attempt to conquer the throne of Byzantium failed, however, when the Byzantines called on the advancing Ottoman Turks for help in 1345. Even though Dušan withstood the attacks from the Turks twice (in 1345 and 1349), the gates to Europe had been opened, and the Ottoman Turks had initiated their campaign to subjugate the Balkans.

Under Ottoman Rule

Dušan's heirs could not hold his empire together against the Turks and the Nemanja dynasty ended with the death of his son Stephen Uroš in 1371, the same year his brothers Vukašin and Ivan Ugleš were killed at the battle of Marica. The defeat of the Serbs at Kosovo Polje in 1389 in an epochal battle that took the lives of both Sultan Murad I and Serbian prince Lazar left Serbia open to further Turkish conquest. Following a series of wars, the Turks succeeded in overtaking Constantinople in 1453 and all of Serbia by 1459. For the next three-and-a-half centuries, Serbs and others had to learn how to survive under Ottoman rule.

The Turks did not make any distinctions based on ethnicity, but only on religion. Turkish Muslims were the dominant class while Christians and Jews were subordinated. While maintaining their religious and cultural autonomy, the non-Turks developed most of the nonmilitary administrative professions and carried on most of the economic activities, including internal trade and trade with other countries of the Christian world. There was no regular conscription of non-Turks into the sultan's armies, but non-Turks were taxed to pay for defense. Christian boys between the age of eight and twenty were forcibly taken from their families to be converted to Islam and trained as "Janissaries" or government administrators. Some these former Christians became administrators and even became grand viziers (advisers) to sultans.

Urban dwellers under Ottoman rule, involved in crafts, trade, and the professions, fared much better than the Christian peasantry, who were forced into serfdom. Heavy regular taxes were levied on the peasants, with corruption making the load so unbearable that the peasants rebelled.

Two distinct cultures lived side by sideTurkish Muslim in cities and towns as administrative centers and Christian Orthodox in the countryside of Serbia. The numerous Serbian monasteries built around the country since the Nemanja dynasty became the supportive network for Serbian survival. The Serbian Church was subjected after 1459 to the Greek patriarchate for about a century until a Serbian patriarchate emerged again. The Serbian patriarchate covered a large area from north of Ohrid to the Hungarian lands north of the Danube and west through Bosnia.

The Serbian Diaspora

Over the two centuries 14591659 many Serbs left their lands and settled north of the Sava and Danube Rivers where Hungary had promised their leader ("Vojvoda") an autonomous arrangement in exchange for military service against the Turks. The region is called "Vojvodina" by Serbs, even though the Hungarians had reneged on their promise of autonomy. Fleeing the Turkish conquest many Serbs and Croats settled in Venetian-occupied Dalmatia and continued fighting against the Turks from fortified areas. The wars between Austria and the Turks in the late 17th through the mid-18th centuries caused both mass migrations from Serbia and the hardening of Ottoman treatment of their Christian subjects. Following the defeat of the Turks in 1683 at the gates of Vienna by a coalition led by Poland's king Jan Sobieski, the Christian armies pursued the Turks all the way to Macedonia and had a good chance to drive the Turks off the European continent. Turk reprisals were violent and many Serbs fled, leaving Serbian lands, particularly Kosovo, unpopulated. Albanians, whom the Turks favored because they were mostly Muslims, moved in. Conversion to Islam increased considerably.

A second large-scale migration took place 50 years later, after the 173639 Austrian defeat by the Turks. All these movements of population resulted in the loss of the Kosovo areathe cradle of Serbian nationhoodto Albanians. As a result, the Serbs were unable to give up control over an area to which they feel a tremendously deep emotional attachment, even though they represent only about 10% of its population. This situation persisted and remained unresolved as of the early 21st century.

Serbian Revolts and Independence

Meanwhile, two areas of active Serbian national activity developed, one under the Turks in the northern Šumadija region and the other in Hungary. Šumadija, a forested region, became the refuge for many hajduks (Serbian "Robin Hoods") that raided Turkish establishments. These hajduks were legendary heroes among the Serbian people.

In 1805, the Serbs defeated the Turks and gained control of the Belgrade region. The sultan agreed to Serbian terms for political autonomy in September 1806. A partially elected government structure was established, and by 1811 the Serbian assembly confirmed Karadjordje as supreme leader with hereditary rights. The drive of Serbia for complete independence was thwarted, however, because Serbia was still under Ottoman rule. The Turks reoccupied Serbia by 1813, retaliating against the Serbs by pillaging, looting, enslaving women and children, while killing all males over age 15, and torturing any captured leader.

A second uprising by the Serbs occurred in 1815 and spread all over Šumadija. It was led by Miloš Obrenović, who had participated in the first revolt. Successful in repelling Turkish forces, Obrenović gained the support of the Russian tsar, and after some six months he negotiated an agreement giving Serbia a de facto autonomy in its internal administration. By 1830, Serbia had gained its full autonomy and Miloš was recognized as an hereditary prince of Serbia. Serbia was internationally accepted as a virtually independent state.

Miloš Obrenović was an authoritarian ruler who had to be forced to promulgate a constitution for Serbia, establishing a council of chiefs sharing power with him. In 1838 a council was appointed to pass laws and taxes, a council of ministers was created, and provisions were formulated for an eventual assembly. A succession of rulers were installed and deposed over the next decade until, in 1848, the Serbian assembly demanded the incorporation of Vojvodina into Serbia.

The 1858 assembly restored Miloš Obrenović to power, but he died in 1860 and was succeeded, again, by his son Mihajlo. Mihajlo built up the Serbian army to fight a war of liberation against the Turks as a first step towards the goal of a Greater Serbia. Mihajlo developed a highly centralized state organization, a functioning parliament, two political parties, a judicial system, and urban educational institutions prior to his murder in 1868. Mihajlo's cousin, Milan, succeeded him, and accomplished total independence from the Ottomans in 1882. Despite this success, during the same period Austria conquered Bosnia and Herzegovina, badly wanted by Serbia. Milan became dependent on Austria when that country saved Serbia from an invasion by Bulgaria.

Milan Obrenović abdicated in 1889 in favor of his son Alexander, who abolished the constitution, led a corrupt and scandalous life, and was murdered along with his wife, the premier, and other court members by a group of young officers in June 1903. The assembly then called on Peter, Alexander Karadjordjević's son, to take the crown. Under Peter Karadjordjević, a period of stable political and economic development ensued, interrupted by the 1908 Austrian annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the 1912 and 1913 Balkan wars, and World War I (191318).

The Balkan Wars

Austria's annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was carried out in 1908 with the full backing of Germany. The Serbs saw Austria's move as a serious blow to their goal of a Greater Serbia with an outlet to the Adriatic Sea through Bosnia and Herzegovina. They turned to the only other possible access routes to the seaMacedonia, with its port city of Salonika, and the northern coast of Albania. The Balkan countries (Serbia, Bulgaria, Montenegro, and Greece) formed the Balkan League and attacked Turkey in 1912, quickly defeated them and driving them to the gates of Constantinople. Austria and Italy opposed a Serbian outlet to the Adriatic in Albania, supporting instead an independent Albanian state and assisted its establishment in 1913. Serbia, deprived of access to the sea, requested it from Bulgaria. Bulgaria responded by attacking Serbia and Greece, hoping to obtain all of Macedonia. The resulting second Balkan War ended with the defeat of Bulgaria by Serbia, Montenegro, Greece, Romania, and Turkey, which gained back Adrianople and Thrace. Romania gained northern Dobrudja, Serbia kept central and northern Macedonia, and Greece was given control over the southern part with Salonika and Kavalla in addition to southern Epirus.

Austria viewed Serbian expansion with great alarm, and the "Greater Serbia" plans became a serious threat to the Austro-Hungarian empire. The Austro-Hungarians felt Serbia had to be restrained by whatever means, including war. They needed only a spark to ignite a conflagration against the Serbs.

World War I and Royal Yugoslavia

The spark was provided by the 28 June 1914 assassination in Sarajevo of Austria's Archduke Ferdinand and his wife. The archduke's visit to Sarajevo during large-scale maneuvers was viewed as a provocation by Bosnian Serbs, and they conspired to assassinate him with the assistance of the Serbian secret organization, Black Hand, which had also been behind the murder of Serbian king Miloš and his wife in 1903.

Austria presented an ultimatum to Serbia on 23 July with 10 requests, all of which were accepted by Serbia in a desperate effort to avoid a war. Austria, however, declared war on Serbia on 28 July 1914. They began bombing Belgrade the same day and sent armies across the Danube and Sava rivers to invade Serbia on 11 August 1914, taking the Serbs by surprise. The Serbian army twice repelled the Austrian forces in 1914, with tremendous losses in men and materials and civilian refugees. In addition, a typhus epidemic exacted some 150,000 victims among Serbian soldiers and civilians throughout Serbia, where there were almost no doctors or medical supplies. Still, an army of some 120,000 men joined the Allied forces holding the Salonika front in the fall of 1916. From there, after two years, they were successful in driving the Austrian forces out of Serbia in October 1918.

The Serbian elite's political goal for the main outcome of World War I was the samea greater Serbia, with the liberation of their South Slavic brethren, particularly Serbs, from the Austro-Hungarian yoke. The dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian empire was not yet an operational concept. On 20 July 1916 the Corfu Declaration delineated the future joint state of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes while treating both Macedonians and Montenegrins as Serbs.

But Austro-Hungary was losing the war and disintegrating from the inside. In May 1917, the "Yugoslav Club" in the Vienna parliament, consisting of deputies from Slovenia, Istria, and Dalmatia issued a declaration demanding the independence of all Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs united in one national state. (The phrase "under the scepter of the Hapsburgs" was added to their declaration for safety reasons, to avoid prosecution for treason.) Poles, Czechs, and Slovaks were also agitating for their independence, and they all had received support from their communities in the United States. On 20 October 1918, US President Woodrow Wilson declared his support for the independence of all the nation subjects of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy.

Under the leadership of Monsignor Anton Korošec, a council of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs was formed in Zagreb, Croatia, to negotiate a union with the Kingdom of Serbia. The Serbian army entered Belgrade on 1 November 1918 and proceeded to take over the Vojvodina region. The armistice ending World War I was signed on 3 November 1918, and on 69 November a conference was held in Geneva by Serbia's prime minister Nikola Pašić, Monsignor Korošec, and the Yugoslav Committee.

The conference was empowered by the Zagreb Council to negotiate for it with the Allies. Prime Minister Pašić could not ignore the provisional government set up by elected representatives of the Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs. Thus, Pašić signed a declaration setting up a joint provisional government with the right of the National Council in Zagreb to administer its territories until a constitutional assembly could be elected to agree on the form of government for the new state. However, the Serbian government reneged on Pašić's commitment. The National Council delegation with Monsignor Korošec was detained abroad and, given the pressures from the ongoing Italian occupation of Slovene and Croat territories and the urgent need for international recognition, the National Council sent a delegation to Belgrade on 27 November 1918 to negotiate terms for unification with Serbia. But time was running out and the unification was proclaimed on 1 December 1918 without any details on the nature of the new state, since Bosnia and Herzegovina, Vojvodina, and Montenegro had already voted for their union with Serbia.

The Corfu declaration of 1917 had left open the issue of the unitarist or federalist structure of the new state by providing for a constitutional assembly to decide the issue on the basis of a "numerically qualified majority." Serbs interpreted this to mean a simple majority whereas others advocated a two-thirds majority. Following the 28 November 1920 elections, the simple majority prevailed, and a constitution (mirroring the 1903 constitution of Serbia) for a unitary state was approved on 28 June 1921 by a vote of 223 to 35, with 111 abstentions out of a total of 419 members. The 50 members of the Croatian Peasant Party refused to participate in the work of the assembly, advocating instead an independent Croatian Republic.

After 10 years of a contentious parliamentary system that ended in the murder of Croatian deputies and their leader Stjepan Radić, King Alexander abrogated the 1921 constitution, dissolved the parliament and political parties, took over power directly, renamed the country "Yugoslavia," and abolished the 33 administrative departments.

A new policy was initiated with the goal of creating a single "Yugoslav" nation out of the three "tribes" of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. In practice, this meant the Serbian king's hegemony over the rest of the nation. The reaction was intense, and King Alexander himself was assassinated in Marseille in 1934. Alexander's cousin, Prince Paul, assumed power and managed to reach an agreement in 1939 with the Croats. An autonomous Croatian banovina (territory headed by a leader called a ban ) headed by Ivan Subašić was established, including most Croatian lands outside of the Bosnia and Herzegovina area. Strong opposition developed among Serbs and there was no time for further negotiations, since Prince Paul's government was deposed on 27 March 1941 and Germany's Adolph Hitler and his allies (Italy, Hungary, Bulgaria) attacked Yugoslavia on 6 April 1941.

World War II

Yugoslavia was divided up and occupied by Germany and its allies. Serbia was put under the administration of General Milan Nedić who was allowed to organize his own military force for internal peacekeeping purposes. In Serbia the resistance was led by the "Cetniks," the "Yugoslav army in the homeland." The Cetniks recognized the authority of the Yugoslav government-in-exile, which, in fact, promoted Draža Mihajlović to general and appointed him its Minister of War. In the fall of 1941 Mihajlović and Josip Broz Tito, who led the Communist partisan movement, met to seek agreement on a common front against the Nazis. However, Mihajlović saw that Tito's goal was to conquer Yugoslavia for Communism. Mihajlović could not go along with this, nor could he accept Tito's request that he subordinate his command to Tito. A civil war between the two movements (under foreign occupation) followed. Meanwhile, large numbers of Serbs fled Croatia, either to join the partisans or to seek refuge in the Dalmatian areas under Italian control. British leader Winston Churchill, convinced by reports that Mihajlović was collaborating with the Germans while Marshal Tito's partisans were against the Germans, decided to recognize Tito as the legitimate Yugoslav resistance. Though aware of Tito's Communist allegiance to Stalin, Churchill threw his support to Tito.

When Soviet armies, accompanied by Tito, entered Yugoslavia from Romania and Bulgaria in the fall of 1944, military units and civilians that had opposed the partisans had no choice but to retreat to Austria or Italy. After the end of the war, the Communistled forces took control of Serbia and Yugoslavia and instituted a violent dictatorship that committed systematic crimes and human rights violations. Thousands upon thousands of their former opponents who were returned from Austria by British military authorities were tortured and massacred by partisan executioners. General Mihajlović was captured in Bosnia in March 1946 and publicly tried and executed on 17 July 1946.

Communist Yugoslavia

Such was the background for the formation of the second Yugoslavia as a Federative People's Republic of five nations (Slovenes, Croats, Serbs, Macedonians, Montenegrins) with their individual republics and Bosnia and Herzegovina as a buffer area with its mix of Serb, Muslim, and Croat populations. The problem of large Hungarian and Muslim Albanian populations in Serbia was solved by creating for them the autonomous region of Vojvodina (Hungarian minority) and Kosovo (Muslim Albanian majority) that assured their political and cultural development.

Tito attempted a balancing act to satisfy most of the nationality issues that were carried over, unresolved, from the first Yugoslavia. However, he failed to satisfy anyone. The numerically stronger Serbs had lost the Macedonian area they considered Southern Serbia; lost the opportunity to incorporate Montenegro into Serbia; lost direct control over the Hungarian minority in Vojvodina and Muslim Albanians of Kosovo (viewed as the cradle of the Serbian nation since the Middle Ages); were not able to incorporate into Serbia the large Serbian-populated areas of Bosnia; and had not obtained an autonomous region for the large minority Serbian population within the Croatian Republic. The official position of the Marxist Yugoslav regime was that national rivalries and conflicting interests would gradually diminish through their sublimation into a new Socialist order. Without capitalism, nationalism was supposed to wither away. Therefore, in the name of their unity and brotherhood motto, any nationalistic expression of concern was prohibited.

After a short post-war coalition government, the elections of 11 November 1945boycotted by the non-Communist coalition partiesgave the Communist-led People's Front 90% of the vote. A Constituent Assembly met on 29 November, abolished the monarchy and established the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia. In January 1946, a new constitution was adopted based on the 1936 Soviet constitution.

Yugoslavia was expelled from the Soviet-dominated Cominform Group in 1948, and was forced to find its own road to Socialism, balancing its position between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) alliance and the Soviet bloc. Tito quickly nationalized the economy through a policy of forced industrialization, supported by the collectivization of the agriculture.

The agricultural reform of 194546 included limited private ownership of a maximum of 35 hectares (85 acres) and a limited free market (after the initial forced delivery of quotas to the state at very low prices) but had to be abandoned because of resistance by the peasants. Collectivization was initiated in 1949 but had to be abandoned by 1958 because its inefficiency and low productivity could not support the concentrated effort of industrial development.

By the 1950s, Yugoslavia had initiated the development of its internal trademark: self-management of enterprises through workers councils and local decision-making. Following the failure of the first five-year plan (194751), the second five-year plan (195761) was completed in four years by relying on the well-established self-management system. Economic targets were set from the local to the republic level and then coordinated by a federal planning institute to meet an overall national economic strategy. This system supported a period of very rapid industrial growth in the 1950s. But public subsidies, cheap credit, and other artificial measures led to a serious crisis by 1961, leading to the introduction of market socialism in 1965. Laws abolished most price controls and halved import duties while withdrawing export subsidies. Councils were given more decision-making power on investing their earnings, and they also tended to vote for higher salaries to meet steep increases in the cost of living. Unemployment grew rapidly even though political factories were still subsidized. The government responded by relaxing restrictions on labor migration particularly to West Germany, encouraging up to 49% foreign investment in joint enterprises, and removing barriers to the exchange of ideas.

Yugoslavia began to develop a foreign policy independent of the Soviet Union. In October 1949, Yugoslavia was elected to one of the nonpermanent seats on the United Nations (UN) Security Council and openly condemned North Korea's aggression in South Korea. Tito intensified his commitment to the movement of nonaligned "third world" nations in cooperation with Jawaharlal Nehru of India, Gamal Abdel-Nasser of Egypt, and others.

With the September 1961 Belgrade summit conference of nonaligned nations, Tito became the recognized leader of the movement. The nonaligned position served Tito's Yugoslavia well by allowing Tito to draw on economic and political support from the Western powers while neutralizing any aggression from the Soviet bloc. Tito condemned all Soviet aggression. Just before his death on 4 May 1980, Tito condemned the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In the 1970s and 1980s, Yugoslavia maintained fairly good relations with its neighboring states by playing down or solving pending disputes and developing cooperative projects and increased trade.

As an integral part of the Yugoslav federation, Serbia naturally was impacted by Yugoslavia's internal and external political developments. The main problem facing communist Yugoslavia was the force of nationalism.

As nationalism was on the rise in Yugoslavia, particularly in Croatia and Slovenia, Serbs were facing a real dilemma with the rising of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo. After World War II, Tito had set up Kosovo as an autonomous province and the Albanians were able to develop their own political and cultural autonomy, including a university with instructors and textbooks from Albania. Immigration from Albania also increased and after Tito's death in 1980, Albanians became more assertive and began agitating for a republic of their own, since by then they comprised about 80% of Kosovo's population.

The reverberations of the Kosovo events were very serious throughout Yugoslavia since most non-Serbs viewed the repression of the Albanians as a possible precedent for the use of force elsewhere. Serbs were accused of using a double standardone for themselves in the defense of Serbs in Kosovo by denying the Albanians' political autonomy and violating their human rights, and a different standard for themselves by demanding political autonomy and human rights for Serbs in Croatia.

In 1986, the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences issued a draft manifesto that called for the creation of a unified Serbia whereby all lands inhabited by Serbs would be united with Serbia while bringing Kosovo under control to be eventually repopulated by Serbs. To accomplish this goal, the 1974 constitution would need to be amended into an instrument for a recentralizing effort of both the government and the economy.

Recentralization vs. Confederation

In 1986, work was begun on amendments to the 1974 constitution that, when submitted in 1987, created a furor, particularly in Slovenia and Croatia. The main points of contention were the creation of a unified legal system, the establishment of central control over the means of transportation and communication, the centralization of the economy into a unified market, and the granting of more control to Serbia over its autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina. These moves were all viewed as coming at the expense of the individual republics. Serbia also proposed replacing the bicameral federal Skupština (assembly) with a tricameral one where deputies would no longer be elected by their republican assemblies but through a "one person, one vote" nationwide system. Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina strongly opposed the change, just as they opposed the additional Chamber of Associated Labor that would have increased the federal role in the economy.

Meanwhile, Slobodan Milošević had become the head of the Communist Party in Serbia in early 1987. An ardent advocate of the Serbs in Kosovo (and elsewhere) and a vocal proponent of the recentralizing constitutional amendments, he was able to take control of the leadership in Montenegro and Vojvodina and impose Serbian control over Kosovo.

The Slovenian Communist Party had taken the leadership in opposing the recentralizing initiatives and in advocating a confederate reorganization of Yugoslavia. Thus a political dueling took place between Slovenia and Serbia. Slobodan Milošević directed the organization of mass demonstrations by Serbs in Ljubljana, the capital city of Slovenia. Serbs began a boycott of Slovenian products, withdrew savings from Slovenian banks, and terminated economic cooperation and trade with Slovenia. The tensions with Serbia convinced the Slovenian leadership of the need to undertake protective measures and, in September 1989, draft amendments to the constitution of Slovenia were published that included the right to secession, the sole right of the Slovenian legislature to introduce martial law, and the right to control deployment of armed forces in Slovenia. The latter seemed particularly necessary since the Yugoslav Army was largely controlled by a Serbian and Montenegrin officer corps.

A last attempt at salvaging Yugoslavia was made when the League of Communists of Yugoslavia convened in January 1990 to review proposed reforms. The Slovenian delegation walked out on 23 January 1990 when their attempts to broaden the reforms was rebuffed.

Yugoslavia's Dissolution

In October 1990, Slovenia and Croatia published a joint proposal for a confederation of Yugoslavia as a last attempt at a negotiated solution, but to no avail. The Slovenian legislature also adopted a draft constitution proclaiming that "Slovenia will become an independent state." On 23 December, a plebiscite was held on Slovenia's secession from Yugoslavia if a confederate solution could not be negotiated within a six-month period. An overwhelming majority of 88.5% of voters approved the secession provision, and on 26 December 1990 a Declaration of Sovereignty was also adopted. All federal laws were declared void in Slovenia as of 20 February 1991 and, since no negotiated agreement was possible, Slovenia declared its independence on 25 June 1991.

On 27 June, the Yugoslav army tried to seize control of Slovenia under the pretext that it was its constitutional duty to assure the integrity of Socialist Yugoslavia. The Slovenian "territorial guards" surrounded Yugoslav army tank units, isolated them, and engaged in close combat along border checkpoints, and the Yugoslav units often surrendered. Over 3,200 Yugoslav army soldiers surrendered, and the Slovenes scored an international public relations coup by having the prisoners call their parents all over Yugoslavia to come to Slovenia and take their sons back home. The European Community negotiated a cease-fire after ten days, with a three-month moratorium of Slovenia's implementation of independence.

The collapse of Communist regimes in Eastern Europe in 1989 had a deep impact in Yugoslavia. Communist leaders there realized that, in order to stay in power, they needed to embrace the goals of nationalistic movements. In Serbia and Montenegro, the Communists won on 9 December 1990 on the basis of their strong Serbian nationalism. In its last years, Yugoslavia became a house divided, prompting the parliament of Slovenia to pass a resolution on 20 February 1991 proposing the division of Yugoslavia into two separate states.

Suppression of Kosovo and Revolt in Croatia

On 2 July 1990, Albanian members of the Yugoslav legislature declared Kosovo a separate territory within the Yugoslav federation. Three days later, on 5 July 1990, the Serbian parliament countered the Albanian move by suspending the autonomous government of Kosovo. The next month (August 1990), an open Serb insurrection against the Croatian government was initiated apparently with the support of Slobodan Milošević. On 17 March 1991, Milošević declared that Krajina, a region in Croatia, was a Serbian autonomous region. Clashes between the Serbian militia and Croatian police required the use of Yugoslav army units to keep the peace.

The Serbian determination to maintain a united Yugoslavia hardened, while the determination of the Slovenes and Croats to gain their independence grew stronger. This caused the closing of ranks by the Yugoslav army command in support of the Serbian leadership and Slobodan Milošević. Since there was no substantial Serbian population in Slovenia, its secession did not present a real problem to Milošević, but secession by Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina would necessitate border revisions to allow land with Serbian populations to be joined to Serbia.

The new constitution promulgated by Serbia in September 1990 provided for a unicameral legislature of 250 seats and the elimination of autonomy for Vojvodina and Kosovo. The first elections were held on 9 December 1990. More than 50 parties and 32 presidential candidates participated. Slobodan Milošević's Socialist Party of Serbia received two-thirds of the votes and 194 out of the 250 seats. The Movement for Renewal, headed by Vuk Drašković, received 19 seats while the Democratic Party won 7 seats. With the mandate from two-thirds of the electorate, Slobodan Milošević had complete control of Serbia. Having gained control of Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo, and Vojvodina, Milošević controlled four of the eight votes in the collective presidency of Yugoslavia. With the collective presidency stalemated, the top army leadership became more independent of the normal civilian controls and was able to make its own political decisions on rendering support to the Serbs in Croatia and their armed rebellion.

On 3 June 1991 Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia proposed the formation of a Community of Yugoslav Republics as a compromise. In this community, national defense, foreign policy, and a common market would be centrally administered while all other areas would fall to the jurisdiction of the member states (except for the armed forces and diplomatic representation). But it was already too late. Serbia disliked the confederate nature of the proposal and objected to leaving an opening for the establishment of separate armed forces. In addition, Milošević and the army had already committed to the support of the revolt of the Serbs in Croatia. At their meeting in Split on 12 June 1991, Milošević and Croatia's president Tudjman were past the stage of salvaging Yugoslavia when discussing how to divide Bosnia and Herzegovina into ethnic cantons.

The international community stood firmly in support of the preservation of Yugoslavia, of the economic reforms initiated by the Marković government, and of the peaceful solution to the centralist vs. confederate conflict. The United States and the European Community had indicated that they would not recognize the independence of Slovenia and Croatia if they unilaterally seceded from the Yugoslav Federation. With the then-Soviet Union also supporting Socialist Federal Yugoslavia, Milošević was assured of strong international backing. Slovenia and Croatia proceeded with their declarations of independence on 25 June 1991.

As a shrewd politician, Slobodan Milošević knew that a military attack on a member republic would deal a mortal blow to both the idea and the reality of a Yugoslavia in any form. Thus, following the Yugoslav army's attack on Slovenia on 27 June 1991, Milošević and the Serbian leadership concentrated on the goal of uniting all Serbian lands to Serbia.

This position led to the direct use of the Yugoslav army and its superior capabilities in establishing the Serbian autonomous region of Krajina in Croatia. Increased fighting from July 1991 caused tremendous destruction of entire cities (Vukovar), and large scale damage to the medieval city of Dubrovnik. Croatia, which was poorly armed and caught by surprise, fought over a seven-month period. It suffered some 10,000 dead, 30,000 wounded, over 14,000 missing, and lost to the Krajina Serbs (and to the Yugoslav Army) about one-third of its territory, from Slavonia to the west and around the border with Bosnia and south to northern Dalmatia.

The intervention of the European Community (as earlier in the case of Slovenia) and the United Nations (UN) brought about a cease-fire on 3 January 1992. UN peacekeepers were stationed by March 1991 to separate the Serb-controlled areas from Croatian army and paramilitary forces. Milošević had very good reasons to press the Krajina Serbs and the Yugoslav army to accept the cease-fire because the Serb forces had already achieved control of about one-third of Croatian territory. He was confident that the UN forces would actually protect the Serb-occupied territories from the Croats.

Aggression in Bosnia and Herzegovina

In the meantime, a far worse situation was developing in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Following the deployment in Croatia of UN peacekeepers, the Yugoslav army moved into Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnia and Herzegovina held a referendum on independence in February 1992 in accordance with the European Community's conditions for eventual international recognition. In 1991, Bosnia and Herzegovina was about 44% Muslim, 31% Serbian, 17% Croatian, and 6% Yugoslav. Milošević's goal of unifying all Serbian lands would become impossible with an independent Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, Bosnian Serbs abstained from voting, while 64% of eligible voters approved of an independent Bosnia and Herzegovina by an almost unanimous 99.7%.

At the same time, a provisional agreement had been reached at a conference in Lisbon in late February 1992 on dividing Bosnia and Herzegovina into three ethnic units, with related central power sharing. This agreement was rejected by the Muslim side, and the Bosnian Serbs, who had earlier organized their territory into the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, prepared for hostilities with the support of the Yugoslav army and volunteers from Serbia and Montenegro.

International recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina came on 6 April 1992, the anniversary of the 1941 Nazi invasion of Yugoslavia. The fear of another genocidal orgy against Serbs steeled the Serbs' determination to fight for their own survival. On 1 March 1992 a Serbian wedding party was attacked in the Muslim section of Sarajevo. This was the spark that ignited the fighting in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Serbs pounded Sarajevo for two years, reducing it to rubble. They took control of two-thirds of the territory, and carried out ferocious "ethnic cleansing" of Muslims in areas they intended to add to their own. Under international pressure, the Yugoslav army moved to Serbia, leaving to the Bosnian Serbs an abundance of weaponry and supplies.

Serbia and Montenegro formed their own Federal Republic of Yugoslavia on 27 April 1992. Despite the lack of international support, Milošević was elected president in December with 56% versus 34% for his opponent, Milan Panić. Inflation, unemployment, and savage corruption convinced Milošević to support the various plans for bringing about peace to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Even with the eventual settlement of hostilities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Yugoslavia faced serious internal political problems in addition to its ruined economy: the tradition of independence in Montenegro, the Albanian majority in Kosovo, the Muslims of the Sandžak area, the Hungarians in Vojvodina, and independent Macedonia.

Kosovo

Kosovo was the center of the Serbian kingdom in the Middle Ages. Firmly attached to their Christian faith and opposed to conversion into Islam, large numbers of Serbs were forced to leave the Kosovo region because of Turkish persecutions. In their place Muslim Albanians were settled in increasing numbers so that liberation of Serbian Kosovo in 1912 actually liberated an almost entirely Albanian area. By the end of World War II, the Kosovo area was already about 70% Albanian. Tito granted Kosovo a special autonomous status, keeping Serbian hopes alive that eventually Serbs could repopulate Kosovo.

The Albanians clamored for their right to self-determination and a republic of their own (still within Yugoslavia). Albanians increased their pressure on the remaining Serbian population, which had dwindled to some 10% of the total by 1991. Cries of genocide were raised by Serbian media, and a series of bloody clashes justified Slobodan Milošević's administration to develop a new Serbian constitution of September 1990, drastically limiting Kosovo's autonomy. Albanians then organized their own political parties, the strongest of which became the Kosovo Democratic Alliance led by Ibrahim Rugova.

In a street meeting on 2 July 1990, the adjourned Kosovo Assembly adopted a declaration proclaiming Kosovo a separate republican entity. Serbs reacted by suspending the Kosovo Assembly on 5 July 1990. Most of the Albanian delegates had to flee the country to avoid imprisonment.

Serbia found itself in a very peculiar and dangerous situation. Through several past centuries the Serbian people expanded their reach by forced mass migrations and wars that have contributed to the depopulation of its own cradle areaKosovo. The Serbian claims to these lands were being contested by neighboring states or other older populations. Serbia and Montenegro became isolated and were facing adversary states.

The Ongoing Conflict

The quest to create a "Greater Serbia"that is, to unite the Serbs under a single Serbian governmentresulted in continued fighting, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Over 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys were summarily executed at Srebrenica in July 1995. On 8 September 1995, the leaders of Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina agreed on a new governmental structure for Bosnia and Herzegovina; the three parties soon afterwards refined their agreement to include a group presidency, a parliament, and a constitutional court in which Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia would share power with the Serbian republic.

In October 1995, Bosnia and Herzegovina accused the Bosnian Serbs of war crimes, leading to international suspicion that Serbian soldiers had massacred thousands of Muslims. Pressured by air strikes and diplomacy, Serb authorities joined leaders from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia on 31 October 1995 in Dayton, Ohio, for a round of peace talks sponsored by the United States. On 21 November 1995, the three presidents of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and Serbia finally agreed to terms that would end the fighting in Bosnia and Herzegovina after four years and an estimated 250,000 casualties. The agreement, formally signed in Paris in mid-December, called for 60,000 UN peacekeepers. The United States then ended its economic sanctions against Serbia.

Enforcement of the peace was difficult and problems arose over the exchange of prisoners. The United States ordered the leaders of the former warring parties to meet in Rome in February 1996 to recommit themselves to the Dayton agreement. Meanwhile, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia at The Hague set out to find and prosecute Serbian soldiers accused of atrocities. In March 1996, the UN Tribunal filed its first charges. Among those cited were Serb generals Djordje Djukic and Ratko Mladic, and Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic. The latter two remained at large, spurring accusations by the United States and Europe that the Serbian government was protecting the international outlaws. In May 1996, Serbian President Milošević pledged that Karadzic would be removed from power. The presidents of Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina agreed to hold Bosnian elections in mid-September 1996.

While international suspicion swirled about him for his role in the Bosnian conflict, Serbian President Milošević was not very successful in delivering promised reforms for Serbia. In March 1996, a demonstration in Belgrade brought out 20,000 protestors against the Milošević regime, which opponents charged with starting the Bosnian conflict and devastating the Serbian economy.

Mass demonstrations against Milošević flared later in 1996 when he voided local elections won by the opposition. In December, the Milošević administration shut down Belgrade's independent radio station, which further alienated Serb citizens. Thousands of protesters met in the streets of Belgrade, hoping to topple the Milošević administration. In February 1997, Milošević relented and agreed to recognize the results of the previous local elections, in which opposition parties won majorities in 14 of Serbia's 19 largest cities. In July 1997, Milošević was appointed to the presidency of Yugoslavia by the federal parliament, allowing him to maintain control for another four years.

During early March of 1999, Albanian moderates led by Ibrahim Rugova (president of the self-proclaimed Republic of Kosovo) and representatives of the Yugoslav government held talks in Ramboullet, France; they came up with a plan to give Kosovo back its autonomy under a three-year NATO occupational guarantee. The Serbs refused to sign the accord, and Yugoslav forces grew to 40,000 in Kosovo, continuing hostilities. Beginning 24 March 1999 NATO forces bombed Serbia and Kosovo, in an attempt to check human rights violations and end fighting. NATO bombs and cruise missiles fell on military targets in Belgrade and Pristina. Fears ran high that other European nations would get involved in the conflict and take sides, resulting in a third world war. Russia disagreed with the NATO bombing runs, attempting its own peace process. After 11 weeks of bombing, casualties reported by the Yugoslav government amounted to 462 soldiers and 114 police officers, but NATO estimates claimed 5,000 had died including 2,000 civilians. On 3 June, the Yugoslav government accepted a peace plan that involved removing Yugoslav troops from Kosovo, and giving some autonomy to the province. NATO troops entered Kosovo on 12 June to enforce the peace plan. Some 170,000 Kosovar Serbs were thrown out of Kosovo by the ethnic Albanian majority during the conflict, adding to an already large refugee population.

On 29 June 1999, 10,000 Serbian protestors gathered in Čačak, in northern Serbia, to demand the resignation of Milošević. In August, more than 100,000 Serbians called for an end to his rule in a march on Belgrade. The UN began the unwieldy task of reconciliation in the region during the fall of 1999. Kosovo was to remain under the sovereignty of Yugoslavia as a Serbian province, but with some future determination of further self-government (scheduled to follow the fall of the Milošević regime). The next regular presidential elections were set for 2001. Sweeping constitutional changes in July 2000 changed the presidential term so that Milošević could run for two additional four-year terms. They also made the weight of the Montenegran vote in the Yugoslav parliament equal to its population, or only 7%. Milošević called presidential elections early, for 24 September 2000; most believed that they would be rigged in his favor, and were planning to boycott the elections.

Milošević banned international observers from the process of monitoring the 24 September elections. The opposition to Milošević was strong, and a crowd of 150,000 turned out for the final pre-election rally against him. The opposition claimed victory in the election, with Vojislav Kostunica proclaiming himself the "people's president." The Federal Election Commission called for a second vote, stating that neither candidate had won an outright majority; this plan was met with worldwide opposition.

On 27 September, 250,000 people took to the streets to demand that Milošević step down. On 28 September, the Electoral Commission announced that while the Democratic Opposition group had won the largest single block of seats, the Socialists and their coalition partners had won an absolute majority. By 2 October, protesters had called a general strike, were blocking Belgrade's main streets and had caused a halt to economic activity in other Yugoslav cities. On 4 October 2000, the Constitutional Court annulled the election results and ruled that Milošević should serve out his last term in office. Tens of thousands of opposition supporters stormed and burned the parliament building on 5 October and captured the state television service; police joined the crowds. Kostunica told approximately 500,000 supporters at a rally in Belgrade that Serbia had been liberated. On 6 October, Milošević conceded defeat, and Kostunica was sworn in as president on 7 October. He stated his first objective as president would be to right the economy and lead reconstruction efforts. Milošević was indicted for atrocities in Kosovo by the UN war crimes tribunal in The Hague. A bounty of us$5 million was offered by the US government to find the war criminal, but he remained in power even after losing the war.

The European Union (EU) and United States lifted their economic sanctions against Yugoslavia, and in November the country rejoined the UN; Kostunica indicated the country wanted to join the EU as soon as possible. In January 2001, Yugoslavia and Albania reestablished diplomatic relations after they had been broken off during the crisis in Kosovo in 1999.

On 1 April 2001, Milošević was arrested at his home in Belgrade after a tense standoff in which shots were fired; he had been charged with corruption and abuse of power within Yugoslavia. Kostunica had originally ruled out extraditing Milošević to the war crimes tribunal at The Hague. Milošević was formerly indicted by the tribunal in May 1999 for alleged war crimes in Kosovo; other indictments later included war crimes carried out in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, including charges of genocide carried out in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 199295. This was the first time a sitting head of state had been charged with war crimes. In June, then-Serbian prime minister Zoran Djindjic authorized the extradition of Milošević to the tribunal, exacerbating a rift between him and Kostunica, who favored a trial for Milošević in Belgrade. Milošević's trial at The Hague began in February 2002; Milošević died of a heart attack in prison in The Hague on 11 March 2006 with just 50 hours of testimony left before the conclusion of the trial.

Serbia and Montenegro

On 14 March 2002, in an agreement mediated by the EU, Serbia and Montenegro agreed to consign the Yugoslav Republic to history and create a loose federation called "Serbia and Montenegro." Both republics would share defense and foreign policies, but would maintain separate economies, currencies (the dinar for Serbia and the euro for Montenegro), and customs services for the immediate future. Each republic would have its own parliament with a central 126-member parliament located in Belgrade. Montenegrin president Milo Djukanovic reluctantly agreed to the union, commiting Montenegro to a three-year moratorium on an independence referedum, but in April, the Montenegrin government collapsed over differences on the new union. Kosovo, which remained under UN administration, remained part of Serbia. This angered many Kosovo activists, although the agreement looked to some as possibly accelerating the process of independence for the province. The parliament of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia voted to disband itself on 4 February 2003, dissolving the country and introducing the new state of Serbia and Montenegro. Both republics agreed they would be able to hold referendums on full independence in 2006.

Serbian presidential elections were held on 29 September 2002, with 55.5% of registered voters casting ballots. Kostunica won 30.9% of the vote, and his opponent Miroljub Labus finished second with 27.4%. The second round of voting was held two weeks later, with Kostunica winning 66.8% of the votes, to 30.9% for Labus. However, voter turnout failed to reach a mandated 50% (it was 45.5%), and the elections were declared to be invalid. Natasa Micic, formerly the speaker of parliament, became acting president. She stated Serbian presidential elections would be held after the adoption of the new Serbian constitution, after it was harmonized with the constitution of Serbia and Montenegro. Montenegrin general elections were held in October 2002, and in November, Djukanovic resigned as president to take on the job of prime minister. Presidential elections held in Montenegro in December 2002 and February 2003 were invalidated due to low voter turnout. Filip Vujanovich was finally elected president of Montenegro in the third round of voting.

On 7 March 2003, Svetozar Marovic, deputy leader of the Montenegrin Democratic Party of Socialists, was elected the first president of Serbia and Montenegro after Kostunica stepped down as president of the former Yugoslavia. Marovic was the only candidate to run; the next presidential elections were to be held in 2007.

On 12 March 2003, Serbian prime minister Zoran Djindjic was assassinated outside the main government building in Belgrade. Members of criminal organizations were suspected of carrying out the assassination; Djindjic had declared war on organized crime in Serbia, which was said to flourish under Milošević. After the assassination, Serbia was placed under a state of emergency and police arrested some 1,000 people, including members of Serbia's secret service and policemen. Zoran Zivkovic, a leading official of the ruling Democratic Party, was elected prime minister to replace Djindjic.

While the Montenegrins managed to elect a president for their small republic, the Serbs failed to do so, even after the third voting round (in November 2003), due to low voter turnout. In addition, the indecisive parliamentary elections results from December 2003 led to a crisis within the Serbian parliament. The crisis was ended on March 2004 when former Yugoslav president, Vojislav Kostunica, was appointed the new prime minister of Serbia. In June 2004, the Serbs also got a new president, Boris Tadic. Tadic, the leader of the Democratic Party, managed to defeat his main contenderthe nationalist Tomislav Nikolic, taking 52.34% of the tally in the second voting round.

In February 2005, officials from Montenegro asked their Serbian counterparts for an early vote on independence, claiming the union was inefficient and that it squandered money. Vojislav Kostunica refused the proposal and indicated that European integration and economic development should be the main focus of Serbia and Montenegro. A referendum on full independence for Montenegro was held on 21 May 2006; to be accepted internationally, a 55% majority was required for a "yes" vote. The vote on independence was 55.5% in favor. Voter turnout was 86.3%. A demand by pro-Serbian unionist parties for a recount was rejected. Serb politicians, Orthodox church leaders, and Montenegrins from the mountainous inland regions bordering Serbia opposed secession. However, ethnic Montenegrins and Albanians from the coastal area favored indpendence. Serbian President Boris Tadic recognized the independence of Montenegro. Serbia became the successor state to the union of Serbia and Montenegro, inheriting its UN seat and seats in other international institutions: the newly independent Montenegro would have to apply for UN and EU membership on its own, once it had been granted recognition by other states. Serbia's ambition to join the EU was hampered by its failure to arrest key war crimes suspects, including Ratko Mladic. Serbia inherited legal claim to the UN-administered province of Kosovo.

GOVERNMENT

Prior to Montenegro's independence in 2006, the union of Serbia and Montenegro was a confederal parliamentary democratic republic, with two constituent statesthe Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Montenegro. As of June 2006, the Serbian province of Kosovo remained governed by the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), and had self-government. The Serbian province of Vojvodina is nominally autonomous. A constitutional charter for the state of Serbia and Montenegro was ratified by both the Serbian and Montenegrin parliaments in January 2003, and the constitution for the unified state was approved on 4 February 2003. The constitution allowed the member republics to hold independence referendums in 2006, which Montenegro did on 21 May of that year.

Following the dissolution of the union of Serbia and Montenegro on 5 June 2006, the Republic of Serbia was faced with drafting a new constitution. As of June 2006, Serbia had a legislature (National Assembly) of 250 deputies chosen in direct general elections for a period of four years. The deputies in the National Assembly elect the government of the Republic of Serbia, which, together with the president, represents the country's executive authority. The Serbian government was formed on 3 March 2004 with the appointment of Vojislav Kostunica as the prime minister. Boris Tadić was serving as president in June 2006. The judiciary is independent.

POLITICAL PARTIES

The Republic of Serbia held parliamentary elections on 28 December 2003. The following political parties won seats in the National Assembly: Serbian Radical Party, 82 seats; Democratic Party of Serbia, 53 (includes candidates of the People's Democratic Party, the Serbian Liberal Party, and the Serbian Democratic Party); the Democratic Party, 37 (includes candidates from the Civic Alliance of Serbia, Democratic Center, Social Democratic Union, Bosniak Democratic Party of Sandzak, and the Social Liberal Party of Sandzak); the G17 Plus, 34 (including candidates from the Social Democratic Party); the Serbian Renewal Movement, 22; and the Socialist Party of Serbia, 22.

Other minor parties and coalitions which were not represented in the National Assembly include: Together for Tolerance; Democratic Alternative; For National Unity; Otpor; and Independent Serbia.

LOCAL GOVERNMENT

The Republic of Serbia is made up of 29 districts and the city of Belgrade. Each district is, in turn, divided into several municipalities.

Serbia's ethnic diversity often makes local governance a burdensome task. Besides Serbs and Albanians, there are considerable populations of Romanians, Hungarians, Roma, Bulgarians, Bosnians, Croats, Slovaks, and Montenegrins.

JUDICIAL SYSTEM

The Serbian Constitutional Court determines whether Serbian laws, regulations and other enactments are in conformity with the Serbian constitution. Any citizen may begin an initiative in the Court. The Supreme Court is the highest appellate court. It also has an administrative law department with jurisdiction over all appeals of final decisions by administrative organs. As of 2002, a new intermediate appellate body became effective, the Court of Appeals. It has jurisdiction over appeals from the municipal and district courts. Its decisions may be appealed to the Supreme Court. The Administrative Court provides first instance review of all final administrative organ decisions. The decisions of the Administrative Court may be appealed to the Supreme Court.

The district courts' jurisdiction is limited to first instance matters. The courts have jurisdiction to try criminal offenses punishable by ten years' imprisonment or more, and other specified offenses, juvenile offenses, civil disputes of substantial value and in other specified areas, labor disputes, and certain other matters. There are 30 district courts in Serbia. The 143 municipal courts are the principal first instance courts. The courts have first instance jurisdiction over all criminal and civil cases that do not fall within the first instance jurisdiction of the district courts.

Commercial courts have jurisdiction over a wide range of commercial disputes, including copyright, privatization, foreign investment, unfair competition, maritime and other matters. These courts also are responsible for the registration of commercial enterprises. There are 16 commercial courts, and their decisions may be appealed to the High Commercial Court, located in Belgrade. Decisions of the latter court may be appealed to the Supreme Court.

ARMED FORCES

The following information on armed forces pertains to the union of Serbia and Montenegro prior to Montenegro's independence in 2006. Active armed forces numbered approximately 65,300 in 2005, supported by 250,000 reservists. The Army had 55,000 active personnel and was equipped with 962 main battle tanks, 525 armored infantry fighting vehicles, 288 armored personnel carriers and 2,729 artillery pieces. The Navy had 3,800 active personnel, including 900 Marines. Major naval units included eight tactical submarines, three frigates, 31 patrol/coastal vessels, 10 mine warfare ships, 23 amphibious landing craft, and seven logistical/support vessels. The Air Force had 6,500 active members, along with 101 combat capable aircraft, including 39 fighters, 51 fighter ground attack aircraft and 17 armed helicopters. There was also a paramilitary force that consisted of 45,100 personnel, of which an estimated 4,100 made up special police units, 35,000 were Ministry of Interior personnel and an estimated 6,000 were Montenegrin Ministry of Interior Personnel. Sixteen military personnel were stationed in four African countries under UN command. In addition, military contingents from 45 countries were stationed in Serbia and Montenegro as part of the Kosovo Peace Implementation Force. The defense budget in 2005 totaled $706 million.

INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION

The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was an original member of the United Nations (1945) until its dissolution and the establishment of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Slovenia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia as new states. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was admitted to the United Nations on 1 November 2000. Following the adoption and promulgation of the Constitutional Charter of Serbia and Montenegro on 4 February 2003, the name of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was changed to Serbia and Montenegro. Following Montenegro's referendum on independence, Serbia became the sucessor state to the union of Serbia and Montenegro on 5 June 2006, and thus retained its membership in international bodies, including the UN and the specialized UN agencies, such as the FAO, UNESCO, UNHCR, UNIDO, the World Bank, IAEA, and the WHO.

Serbia is a member of the Council of Europe, the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Zone, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and the OSCE. It has observer status in the OAS and the WTO. In environmental cooperation, the country is part of Basel Convention, Ramsar, the London Convention, the Montréal Protocol, and the UN Conventions on the Law of the Sea and Climate Change.

ECONOMY

During the UN economic sanctions that lasted from 1992 to 1995, economic activity was extremely limited. By 1994, hyperinflation had brought formal economic activity to a virtual halt. By 1996, GDP had fallen to only 50.8% of 1990s total. Industry declined to just 46.6% of 1990s output; agriculture, 94.4%; construction, 37.5%; transportation, 29.3%; trade, 60.6%; and services, 81.1%. Formal lifting of these sanctions occurred in October 1996. However, the United States sponsored an "Outer Wall" of sanctions, which prevented Yugoslavia from joining international organizations and financial institutions. Taken together, the "Outer Wall," the Kosovo war, and continuing corruption continued to stifle economic development. In October 2000, the coalition government began implementation of stabilization and market-reform measures. Real growth in 2000 was reported as 5%. A donors' conference in June 2001 raised $1.3 billion in pledges for help in infrastructural rebuilding. Real GDP in 2001 was 5.5% and an estimated 4% in 2002. The average lending rate, at 79.6% in 2000 dropped to 33.2% in 2001, reflecting some improvement in economic security.

Economic output was positive but volatile after 2002, dropping 2.1% in 2003 and jumping to 8% in 2004; in 2005 it was estimated at 5.5%. Inflation was on a downward spiral, reaching 9.8%, but grew again in 2005 (to 15.5%) as a result of the increase of service and oil derivatives prices. Unemployment remained unusually high, hovering around 30%, but a large chunk of the unemployed are considered to work in the informal economy. One of Serbia's main tasks was to bring about fiscal and monetary stability, and create a legal framework that will allow the market economy to flourish.

INCOME

The CIA defines GDP as the value of all final goods and services produced within a nation in a given year and computed on the basis of purchasing power parity (PPP) rather than value as measured on the basis of the rate of exchange based on current dollars. The per capita GDP was estimated at $5,000 in 2005. The annual growth rate of GDP was estimated at 5.5%. The average inflation rate in 2005 was 15.5%. It was estimated that agriculture accounted for 16.6% of GDP, industry 25.5%, and services 57.9%.

According to the World Bank, in 2003 remittances from citizens working abroad totaled $1.397 billion or about $172 per capita and accounted for approximately 6.8% of GDP. Foreign aid receipts amounted to $1,317 million or about $163 per capita and accounted for approximately 6.4% of the gross national income (GNI).

The World Bank reported that in 2003 household consumption in Serbia and Montenegro totaled $18.27 billion or about $2,246 per capita based on a GDP of $20.7 billion, measured in current dollars rather than PPP. Household consumption includes expenditures of individuals, households, and nongovernmental organizations on goods and services, excluding purchases of dwellings. It was estimated that in 1999 about 30% of the population had incomes below the poverty line.

LABOR

The labor force in the union of Serbia and Montenegro was estimated at 3.22 million in 2005. The unemployment rate in 2005 was estimated at 31.6%, with Kosovo's unemployment at around 50%. There was no data available as to the ocupational breakdown of the country's workforce.

With the exception of the military, all workers are entitled to form unions. However, the majority of unions are government-sponsored or affiliated: independent unions are rare. Therefore, unions have not been effective in improving work conditions or wage structure increases. Virtually all of the workers in the formal economy are union members. Strikes are permitted and are utilized especially to collect unpaid wages. Collective bargaining is still at rudimentary level.

The minimum employment age is 16 although younger children frequently work on family farms. As of 2005, there was no national minimum wage rate. On average, the full-time monthly wage in the public sector that year was $181, while the average wage in the private sector was $250. Niether wage rate offered a decent living wage for a family. The official workweek is set at 40 hours, with required rest periods and overtime limited to 20 hours per week or 40 hours per month. Health and safety standards are not a priority due to harsh economic circumstances.

AGRICULTURE

The union of Serbia and Montenegro had 3,717,000 hectares (9,160,000 acres) of arable land in 2003. Serbia historically accounted for 60% of agricultural production. Vojvodina is the major agricultural region. In 2000, 20% of the labor force was engaged in agriculture.

Between 1991 and 1996, total agricultural production declined by 10%. During that time, production of farm crops fell by 9%; cereals by 12%. Viticultural production, however, increased by 51%. However, by 1999, total agricultural output was at 92% of the average during 198991. During 200204, crop production was 10% higher than during 19992001.

Agriculture contributed an estimated 17% to GDP in 2002. Major crops produced in 2004 included (in thousands of tons): corn, 6,287; wheat, 2,746; sugar beets, 2,643; potatoes, 1,098; and grapes, 490.

Serbia has a network of agrarian organizations in the form of chambers, farmers' cooperatives, and unions.

ANIMAL HUSBANDRY

In 2005, the livestock population in the union of Serbia and Montenegro included 3,550,000 pigs and hogs, 1,796,600 sheep, 1,230,000 head of cattle, 182,000 goats, 40,000 horses, and 17,464,000 poultry. Total meat production that year was 848,240 tons; milk, 1,852,000 tons. Between 1990 and 1999, total livestock production increased by 1.8%, but during 200204 it fell by 5.4% from 19992001.

FISHING

The total catch in 2003 was 3,665 tons in the union of Serbia and Montenegro, 86% from inland waters. Common carp accounts for much of the inland catch.

FORESTRY

In 2000, estimated forest coverage was 2,887,000 hectares (7,134,000 acres) in the former Yugoslavia. Total roundwood production in the union of Serbia and Montenegro in 2004 was 3,520,000 cu m (124.3 billion cu ft), of which about 75% came from public forests. Sawnwood production amounted to 575,000 cu m (20.3 million cu ft); plywood and particle board, 59,000 cu m (2.1 million cu ft). In 2004, exports of forest products amounted to nearly $139.1 million; imports, $352.9 million.

MINING

In 2003 industrial production in the union of Serbia and Montenegro fell by 3% compared to 2002, although mining and quarrying operations reported a 1% increase from 2002. Aggregated production from the metals mining sector in 2003 fell by 33% from the previous year, although the output of basic metals increased by 2%. The country also confronted continuing economic sanctions and the loss of control of Kosovo, with its ores and production facilities for nickel, lead, zinc, coal, lignite, ferronickel, and tin-plate. In light of this, Serbia and Montenegro's gross domestic product (GDP) was officially reported to have increased by 3% in 2003. The country had significant capacities to produce refined aluminum, lead, silver, and zinc. In 2003, the output of bauxite fell by about 12% from 2002, although aluminum output remained at around 2002 levels. Although exports of primary aluminum and aluminum alloys grew by 18% in 2002, from 2001, eight-month data (January through August) for 2003 appeared to indicate a steep drop in those exports. Mining in Serbia dates back to the Middle Ages, when silver, gold, and lead were extracted.

Mine output of metals in 2003 were: lead ore (gross weight), 183,000 metric tons, down from 733,000 metric tons in 2000 and 284,000 metric tons in 2002; bauxite (gross weight), 540,000 metric tons, down from 612,000 metric tons in 2002 and from 630,000 metric tons in 2000; agglomerate iron ore and concentrate saw no recorded production from 2001 through 2003; and copper ore (gross weight), 5,710,000 tons, down from 12,896,000 tons in 2000 and from 7,968,000 tons in 2002. Production of silver in 2003 totaled 2,028 kg, down from 6,838 kg in 2002. Output of refined gold in 2003 was estimated at 600 kg, down from 900 kg in 2002. In 2003, the country also produced alumina, magnesium, palladium, platinum, and selenium. Among the industrial minerals produced were asbestos, bentonite, ceramic clay, fire clay, feldspar, pumice, lime, magnesite, mica, kaolin, gypsum, quartz sand, salt, nitrogen, caustic soda, sodium sulfate, sand and gravel, and stone.

ENERGY AND POWER

The Electric Utility Company of Serbia (EPS) has control over coal mines, electric power sources (hydroelectric power plants, thermal power plants, heating plants) and grid distribution systems. Serbia has abundant hydroelectric potential, but there are frequent electrical blackouts and brownouts during the peak winter months. Since 1992 energy supplies have been interrupted by UN and US sanctions. Hydroelectric projects are located on the Danube, Drina, Vlasina, and Lim rivers. Thermal plants are located at Kostolac and in Kosovo. Total electrical generating capacity in 2002 was 9.6 million kW. Electric power production in that year amounted to 31.696 billion kWh, of which 67% was thermal and 33% hydroelectric. Consumption of electricity in 2002 was 33.090 billion kWh.

Serbia is the only Balkan country with substantial coal deposits. Proven reserves as of 1999 totaled 18.2 billion tons, 95% of which was lignite. The country's largest lignite mine has an annual capacity of 14,000 tons. Total coal output in 2002 was 39,568,000 short tons, of which lignite accounted for 39,445,000 short tons. Coal imports totaled 310,000 short tons in 2002, of which 171,000 short tons was hard coal.

Serbia has limited proven reserves of oil and natural gas. As of 1 January 2002, these reserves totaled 38.75 million barrels and 24.07 billion cu m, respectively. Production of crude oil in the union of Serbia and Montenegro in 2002 averaged 14,000 barrels per day. Refined petroleum product output in that year averaged 53,000 barrels per day. Imports of petroleum products in 2002 averaged 68,98 barrels per day, which included an average of 37,460 barrels per day of crude oil. Demand for refined oil products in 2002 averaged 83,82 barrels per day.

Natural gas production totaled 22.95 billion cu ft in 2002. Dry consumption totaled 80.87 billion cu ft. Dry gas imports totaled 59.68 billion cu ft in 2002.

INDUSTRY

Serbia contributed 35% to the total industrial production of the former Yugoslav SFR. Between 1989 and 1996, total industrial output fell by 60%. Production declines by sector during that time were as follows: metals and electrical products, 85%; textiles, leather, and rubber products, 75%; wood products, 63%; nonmetals, 56%; and chemicals and paper, 54%. In the mid-1990s, industry accounted for approximately 50% of the country's GDP.

The industrial production growth rate in 2000 was 11%, and industry accounted for 36% of GDP in 2001. Principal industries in Serbia include machine building (aircraft, trucks, automobiles, tanks and weapons, electrical equipment, agricultural machinery), metallurgy, textiles, footwear, foodstuffs, appliances, electronics, petroleum products, chemicals, and pharmaceuticals. The country produced 8,978 automobiles in 2001, a 30% decline from 2000; it also produced 555 heavy trucks in 2000, a 33% increase over 1999.

The industrial production growth rate in 2002 was only 1.2%, way under the real GDP growth ratean indication that industry plays an increasing marginal role in the economy. In 2005, the industry of Serbia and Montenegro made up only 25.5% of the GDP. Agriculture contributed with 16.6%, and services came in first with 57.9%.

In 2000, there were 696,540 workers employed in industrial and mining companies in the Republic of Serbia, comprising 52% of the total active labor force. Small enterprises employed 82,273 workers, with 146,972 in medium-size and 457,286 in large enterprises. The Law on Privatization established conditions for reform of the industrial sector. Large industrial enterprises with financial difficulties are obliged to undertake a program of restructuring, which, it is hoped, will further attract foreign investment.

SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY

A large communications satellite station was made operational in Ivanica during the 1970s. Scientific and technological policies are developed and implemented by the Ministry of Science and Technology of the Republic of Serbia. As of 2002, there were a combined 1,330 scientists and 568 technicians engaged in research and development (R&D) per million people in the union of Serbia and Montenegro. There were 98 registered research institutions in Serbia and six public universities.

A nationwide scientific and technological development policy formulated in 1994 created 250 five-year basic research projects in all scientific disciplines.

DOMESTIC TRADE

Belgrade serves as the economic and commercial center of the country. Pristina and Subotica serve as regional market centers. The domestic economy has been held back for the past few years due the lack of major privatization reforms and trouble in the general European economy. Hours of business are usually between 8 am and 4 pm.

FOREIGN TRADE

The United Nations imposed sanctions on international trade with Yugoslavia in May 1992 and lifted them in December 1995. During the war, when sanctions were in force, dozens of Cypriot companies, set up by senior Serbian officials and businessmen, trafficked millions of dollars in illegal trade.

Trade started to catch up in subsequent years, and in 2004 exports in the union of Serbia and Montenegro reached $3.2 billion (FOBFree on Board). In the same year, imports were almost triple that amount, at $9.5 billion (FOB), indicating that the economy in the two republics was in disarray, but that the union was trying to renew its industrial base. Most of the import commodities included machinery and transport equipment, fuels and lubricants, manufactured goods, chemicals, food and live animals, and raw materials. The imports mainly came from Germany (18.5%), Italy (16.5%), Austria (8.3%), Slovenia (6.7%), Bulgaria (4.7%), and France (4.5%). Exports included manufactured goods, food and live animals, and raw materials, and largely went to Italy (which receive 29% of total exports), Germany (16.6%), Austria (7%), Greece (6.7%), France (4.9%), and Slovenia (4.1%).

Imports were expected to be constrained by tight fiscal and monetary policies, while exports will be encouraged through targeted policy measures, and as a result of a restructured and more competitive economic base.

BALANCE OF PAYMENTS

The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) reported that in 2005 the purchasing power parity of Serbia and Montenegro's exports was $5.485 billion while imports totaled $11.94 billion.

Exports of goods and services totaled $5.9 billion in 2004, up from $4.2 billion in 2003. Imports grew from $8.7 billion in 2003, to $12.8 billion in 2004. Consequently, the resource balance was on a negative upsurge, growing from -$4.5 billion in 2003, to -$7.1 billion in 2004. A similar trend was registered for the current account balance, which deteriorated from -$2.0 billion in 2003, to -$3.1 billion in 2004. The national reserves (including gold) were $3.6 billion in 2003, covering less than 6 months of imports; by 2004, they increased to $4.3 billion.

BANKING AND SECURITIES

Serbia's banking system was still hampered by the history of international sanctions. Banks are severely hampered by a lack of liquidity, a result of the tight monetary policy prevalent in the country.

INSURANCE

Insurance of public transport passengers, motor vehicle insurance, aircraft insurance, and insurance on bank deposits are compulsory. Only domestic insurance companies may provide insurance. In 2003, the value of all direct insurance premiums written in the union of Serbia and Montenegro totaled $436 million, of which nonlife premiums accounted for $420 million. In that same year, the top nonlife insurer was Dunav, which had gross written nonlife premiums of $138.6 million, while the country's leading life insurer was Zepter, which had gross written life insurance premiums of $7.1 million.

PUBLIC FINANCE

The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) estimated that in 2005 the union of Serbia and Montenegro's central government took in revenues of approximately $11.4 billion and had expenditures of $11.1 billion. Revenues minus expenditures totaled approximately $330 million. Public debt in 2005 amounted to 53.1% of GDP. Total external debt was $15.43 billion.

TAXATION

The republic of Serbia has a standard corporate tax rate of 10%. Capital gains derived from the sale of industrial property rights, real estate, shares and other securities, and capital participations are considered taxable income, and are taxed at the corporate rate. However, gains arising from certain government bonds or from bonds issued by the national bank are excluded from the tax. Dividends, interest and royalties are subject to a 20% withholding tax. Other taxes includes a value-added tax (VAT), with a standard rate of 18% and a lower rate of 8%, property taxes, transfer taxes, a tax on financial transactions, payroll taxes, and social security contributions. In Serbia, the republic government, rather than the city governments, collects local taxes and then disperses part of the funds to city officials. Local factories pay no city taxes in Serbia.

CUSTOMS AND DUTIES

Serbia's has six tariff rates that range from 130%, with a weighted duty average of 9.37%. Serbia applies a VAT of 18%, with an 8% reduced rate for basic foodstuffs, medicines, published materials, public utilities and certain services. Serbia imposes excise taxes on certain luxury goods.

Serbia has established free trade zones (FTZ) in Smederrevo, Kovin, Nis, Belgrade, Novi Sad, Šabac, Pahovo, Sombor, Sremska Mitrovica, Subotica, and Zrenjanin.

FOREIGN INVESTMENT

Foreign investment was severely restricted during the years of the economic embargo. Since the sanctions have been lifted, foreign investors from neighboring countries, Russia, and Asia have expressed an interest in capital investment. The main sectors attracting the interest of foreign investors are metal manufacturing and machinery, infrastructure improvement, agriculture and food processing, and chemicals and pharmaceuticals. Foreign investors may hold majority shares in companies.

In 1997, foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows into the former Yugoslavia reached $740 million, but dried up with the onset of the conflict in Kosovo. FDI inflows averaged $122.5 million in 1998 and 1999, then fell to $25 million in 2000. In 2001, FDI inflow reached $125 million.

In the following years, Serbia and Montenegro undertook an aggressive program of reforms aimed at both re-establishing the area as a major transportation hub, and at attracting foreign investment. These policies seem to have paid off as in 2004, capital inflows jumped to $3.4 billion. While Serbia is still considered to be a risky place for doing business, the political and economic climate is steadily improving.

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Officials in general see revitalization of the infrastructure (roads, rail and air transport, telecommunications, and power production) as one step toward economic recovery. Another important aspect of economic reconstruction will be the revival of former export industry, such as agriculture, textiles, furniture, pharmaceuticals, and nonferrous metallic ores.

The Kosovo war in 1999 left much of Serbia's infrastructure in ruins, but reconstruction efforts were proceeding slowly in the early 2000s. The new government that came to power in 2000 faced numerous economic challenges. Nevertheless, inflation decreased sharply from 113% at the end of 2000 to 23% in April 2002. In 2002, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) approved a three-year $829 million Extended Arrangement to support Serbia and Montenegro's (then Yugoslavia's) 200205 economic program. In 2002, the dinar became convertible. Privatization has been slow, and foreign direct investment lagged in the early 2000s.

While politically, and economically, Serbia is much more stable than in previous years, the economy is still in a quasi-state of disarray, with rampant unemployment, with a large grey market, and a relapsing industrial base. Foreign investors, as well as several international financial institutions (EBRD, IMF, and the World Bank), have recognized economic reforms as being ositive, and in 2004 increased their capital transfers to the region.

In 2005 there was a boom in several sectors: trade, financial services and transport and communications. The growth is to be sustained by continued investment in newly privatized companies, by strong local demand, and by an expansion of the services sector.

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

A social insurance system, updated in 2003, provides old age, disability, and survivorship benefits. The pension plan is funded by contributions from both employers and employees. The retirement varies depending on years of insurance; retirement from insured employment is necessary. Each Republic provides its own system for sickness and maternity benefits. Medical services are provided directly to patients through government facilities. Workers' compensation, unemployment benefits, and family allowances are also available. Family allowances vary according to the number of children in the family are adjusted periodically for cost of living changes.

Traditional gender roles keep women from enjoying equal status with men and few occupy positions of leadership in the private sector. However, women are active in human rights and political organizations. High levels of domestic abuse persist and social pressures prevent women from obtaining protection against abusers.

The government's human rights record remains poor and is additionally marred by the crisis in Kosovo, where police are responsible for beatings, rape, torture, and killings, committed with impunity. In May 1999, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in The Hague indicted Yugoslavian president Slobodan Milosevic for war crimes against the citizens of Kosovo. Milosevic was brought to trial at The Hague in 2002 for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Kosovo and Croatia, and for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina; in March 2006 Milosevic died in prison before a verdict could be decided.

HEALTH

The government provides obligatory health care to citizens for preventive, diagnostic, therapeutic, and rehabilitative services. There were 228 health institutions and about 3,000 other clinics, mostly private in Serbia and Montenegro in the mid-2000s. As of 2004, there were an estimated 20 physicians per 100,000 people. The University Clinical Center in Belgrade conducts about nine million examinations and 46,000 emergency operations per year and functions as one of the World Health Organization's largest diagnostic and referral centers.

In 2005 infant mortality in the union of Serbia and Montenegro was reported at 15.53 per 1,000 live births. Overall mortality was 9.7 per 1,000 people in the Republic of Serbia. Average life expectancy in 2005 in the union was 74.73 years.

The HIV/AIDS prevalence was 0.20 per 100 adults in 2003 in the union of Serbia and Montenegro. As of 2004, there were approximately 10,000 people living with HIV/AIDS in the country. There were an estimated 100 deaths from AIDS in 2003.

HOUSING

At the beginning of 1996, the former Yugoslavia had 3,124,000 dwellings, with an average of 3.4 persons per dwelling. Housing area at that time averaged 20 sq m (215 sq ft) per person. New housing completions during 1995 totaled 14,337 units, of which 11,847 were in the public sector, and 2,490 were in the private sector. According to a 1999 assessment, it was estimated that about 120,000 dwellings were damaged or destroyed in Kosovo due to internal conflicts. About 50,000 homes had been damaged in Serbia. Overcrowding, particularly in urban areas, has become more of a problem as Serbian refugees have returned from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 2002, the nation counted about 2,790,411 households with an average of 2.89 people per household.

EDUCATION

As of 2005/2006, education was compulsory for nine years of primary school. This may be followed by three years of secondary school, with students having the option to attend general, vocational, or art schools. The academic year runs from October to July. In 2001, about 43% of children between the ages of three and six in the union of Serbia and Montenegro were enrolled in some type of preschool program. Primary school enrollment in 2001 was estimated at about 96% of age-eligible students. The same year, secondary school enrollment was about 82% of age-eligible students. It is estimated that about 96% of all students complete their primary education. The student-to-teacher ratio for primary school was at about 20:1 in 2000; the ratio for secondary school was about 14:1.

Serbia has six universities (at Belgrade, Novi Sad, Pristina, Nis, and Kragujevac) with 76 academic departments. In 2001, it was estimated that about 36% of the tertiary age population in the union of Serbia and Montenegro were enrolled in tertiary education programs. The adult literacy rate for 2004 was estimated at about 96.4%.

As of 2003, public expenditure on education was estimated at 3.3% of GDP.

LIBRARIES AND MUSEUMS

The National Library of Serbia (1.6 million volumes) is in Belgrade. The Matica Srpska Library has over 3 million volumes in holdings. The Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences in Belgrade has about one million volumes and the library system at the University of Belgrade has 1.45 million volumes. The Belgrade City Library is the largest public lending library system in the country; the network contains 14 branches and over 1.7 million items in collection.

Serbia has over 2,500 cultural monuments, including about 100 museums and 37 historical archives libraries. The Belgrade National Museum, founded in 1844, includes exhibits featuring national history, archaeology, medieval frescoes, and works by Yugoslavian and other European artists. Belgrade also has the Museum of Modern Art, the Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Museum of Natural History, and the Museum of Science and Technology, which opened in 1989.

MEDIA

In 2003, there were an estimated 243 mainline telephones for every 1,000 people in the union of Serbia and Montenegro; about 313,500 people were on a waiting list for telephone service installation. The same year, there were approximately 338 mobile phones in use for every 1,000 people. PTT Serbia is the monopoly owner/operator of Serbia's telecom network. There are 2.2 million installed fixed lines (700,000 are duplex shared lines) in the republic.

In Serbia and Montenegro, only the RTS television network was owned by the state; the other six (BK, TV Studio Spectrum Čačak, Kanal 9 Kragujevac, Pink, Palma, and Art Kanal) are privately owned. The ownership and editorial positions of television and radio stations usually reflects regional politics. Government control over independent broadcasts and the print media has discouraged political opposition parties that have called for greater democracy and a more open economy. In 2004, Serbia and Montenegro had about 297 radios and 282 television sets for every 1,000 people. The same year, there were 27.1 personal computers for every 1,000 people and 79 of every 1,000 people had access to the Internet. There were nine secure Internet servers in the country in 2004.

In 1791, the first Serbian-language newspaper was published in Vienna, Austria. Privately owned newspapers are sometimes critical of the government. The dailies with the largest circulation (as of 2002) are Politika (Politics, 300,000) and Vecernje Novosti (Evening News, 169,000). Other newspapers that are essentially controlled by the government, include (with 2002 circulation) Borba (85,000), Jedinstvo (6,090), Dnevnik (61,000), and Pobjeda (19,400). There are several minority language newspapers.

While the government provides for freedom of speech and of the press, libel suits have been fairly prevalent and some media sources have practiced self-censorship in order to avoid problems with government officials.

ORGANIZATIONS

The Chamber of Commerce and Economy of Serbia is located in Belgrade.

The Matica Srpska was founded in Novi Sad in 1824 as a literary and cultural society. The Serbian Academy of Science and Art was founded in Belgrade in 1886. There are several organizations for professional journalists, including the Journalists' Federation of Yugoslavia, the Journalists' Association of Serbia, Independent Journalists' Association, and the Association of Private Owners of the Media.

National youth organizations include the Bureau of International Cooperation of Youth of Serbia, Union of Socialist Youth of Yugoslavia, and the Junior Chamber. Scouting organizations are also active. The Child Rights Centre and Child to Child are national groups working to promote the rights of children and youth. Creative Youth of Novi Sad offers a variety of educational, volunteer, and development programs for youth as well. There are a variety of sports associations available promoting amateur competition among athletes of all ages. There are active chapters of the Paralympic Committee, as well as a national Olympic Committee. There is a national chapter of the Red Cross Society.

TOURISM, TRAVEL, AND RECREATION

Rich architecture, museums, galleries, cathedrals, parks, and rivers, are just some of the attractions that bring visitors to Serbia. The largest two of Serbia's five national parks are Djerdap (64,000 ha/158,000 acres) and Sar planina (39,000 ha/96,000 acres). Serbia has dozens of spa resorts such as Vrnjacka Banja, Mataruska Banja, and Niska Banja. Serbia has three UNESCO heritage sites. Popular sports in Serbia are rafting, hunting, fishing, skiing, and cycling.

All visitors need a valid passport to enter Serbia. Serbia requires an onward/return ticket, sufficient funds for the stay, and a certificate showing funds for health care. Visas are required for all nationals except those of 41 countries including the United States, Australia, and Canada.

In 2003, about 1.4 million tourists arrived in Serbia and Montenegro, of whom 93% came from Europe. Hotel rooms numbered 2,435 with 4,926 beds and an occupancy rate of 46%

According to 2005 US Department of State estimates, the cost of staying in Belgrade was $340 per day. The daily costs elsewhere in the country averaged $157.

FAMOUS SERBS

Sava Rastko Nemanjic (c.11741235) was the first Serbian archbishop and a writer who became one of Serbia's most prominent figures of the Middle Ages. Vuk Stefanovic Karadzic (17871864) reformed the Serbian language by clarifying grammar, standardizing the spelling, and compiling a dictionary. Dositej Obradovic (17421811) was a famous writer, philosopher, and teacher.

Djordje Petrovic Karadjordje (17681817) led a rebellion against the Turks in 1804. Zivojin Misic (18551921) was a distinguished military leader during World War I. Prince Miloš Obrenović (r.18151839) founded the Obrenović dynasty and ruled Serbia as an absolute monarch. King Alexander of Yugoslavia (18881934) was assassinated in Marseille, France. Prince Paul of Yugoslavia (18931976) ruled as a regent for Peter II (192370) from 1934 to 1941 and was forced into exile after signing a secret pact with the Nazi government.

Slobodan Milošević (19412006) was elected president of Serbia in 1990 and 1992 before being elected president of Yugoslavia in July 1997. He came before the UN's International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in 2002 for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes, and died of a heart attack in his cell just months before the trial was due to end.

Ibrahim Rugova (19442006) was president of Kosovo and its leading political party, the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK). During the many conflicts in Kosovo, Rugova was regarded as a moderate ethnic Albanian leader, and later by some as "Father of the Nation."

Ivo Andrić (18921975) received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1961. Danilo Kiš (193589) established his reputation with his work A Tomb for Boris Davidovich (1976). Other notable Serbian authors include Meša Selimović, Miloš Crnjanski, Milorad Pavić, Dobrica Ćosić and David Albahari. Anastas Jovanović (181799) was a pioneering photographer. Kirilo Kutlik set up the first school of art in Serbia in 1895. Nadežda Petrović (18731915) was influenced by Fauvism while Suva Šumanović worked in Cubism. Other Serbian artists include Milan Konjović, Marko Čelebonović, Petar Lubarda, Milo Milunović, and Vladimir Veličković.

DEPENDENCIES

Serbia has no dependencies or territories.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bennett, Christopher. Yugoslavia's Bloody Collapse: Causes, Course and Consequences. London: Hurst and Company, 1995.

Bokovoy, Melissa, Jill A. Irvine, and Carol S. Lilly, (ed.). State-Society Relations in Yugoslavia, 1945-1992. New York: St. Martin's, 1997.

Brankovic, Srbobran. Serbia at War with Itself: Political Choice in Serbia 1990-1994. Belgrade: Sociological Society of Serbia, 1995.

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Serbia

Serbia

Basic Data
Official Country Name: Serbia
Region: Europe
Population: 9,981,929
Language(s): Serbian, Albanian
Literacy Rate: NA
Academic Year: September-June
Compulsory Schooling: 9 years
Foreign Students in National Universities: 1,180
Libraries: 749
Educational Enrollment Rate: Primary: 72%
  Secondary: 63%
  Higher: 22%
Student-Teacher Ratio: Primary: 22:1
  Secondary: 15:1
Female Enrollment Rate: Higher: 24%



History & Background

The Republic of Serbia (Srbija ) is located in southeastern Europe, not far from the Adriatic Sea. Bordered by Bosnia and Herzegovina to the west, Croatia to the northwest, Hungary to the north, Romania to the northeast, Bulgaria to the east, the autonomous province of Kosovo and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to the south, and Montenegro to the southwest, Serbia in early 2001 was part of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), along with the Republic of Montenegro. With its largest city, Belgrade (Beograd ), both its capital and the Yugoslav capital, Serbia has been the politically dominant republic of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the FRY. Serbia's landlocked territory measures 88,412 square kilometers, which is slightly more than the U.S. state of Maine, and constitutes about 86.5 percent of the FRY's total territory. Serbia has an extremely varied terrain with fertile plains in the north and limestone mountains and basins in the east. Serbia's climate also varies, ranging from continental (with cold winters, hot, humid summers, and significant precipitation) to Mediterranean.

The Balkan peninsula where Serbia is located was settled by Illyrian, Thracian, and Dacian tribal groups in the pre-Christian era and by Greeks and Romans before becoming the home to Slavic tribes. The Serbs, a Slavic people, migrated to the Balkans from Galicia, near Russia's Dniester River, around A.D. 637, pressed by the Avars from their original territory. Invited by the Byzantine emperor to protect Illyria against enemy invasions, the Serbs were politically autonomous though Byzantine emperors viewed them as their vassals. Converting to Greek Orthodox Christianity in the ninth century but continuing to use the Cyrillic alphabet, the Serbs established the Kingdom of Serbia during the Middle Ages. In the 1300s Serbia increased its power under Stephen Dushan, though from 1459 until the early nineteenth century, the Ottoman Turks dominated the region and ruled the Serbs. With the Ottoman invasion into southeastern Europe and the settlement of Albanian families in the Kosovo region separating Montenegro from Serbia, Serbia grew politically and culturally distinct from Montenegro, another area inhabited by Slavs who spoke a variation of Serbo-Croatian. The Kosovo region came to be viewed by many Serbs as the heartland of Serbia, as the first Serbian Orthodox Church as well as many significant Serbian monasteries and historical monuments are located there. Furthermore, key battles fought by the Serbs against the Ottomans took place in Kosovo, the most important being the Battle of Kosovo Polje in 1389.

In 1813 Serbia became politically autonomous of the Ottoman Empire. Its status as an independent state was fully confirmed by other European nations at the Congress of Berlin in 1878. With the political and geographical changes wrought by World War I, Serbia joined its neighbors in 1917 to form the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and the Slovenes, which was renamed "Yugoslavia" in 1929. In the interwar years Yugoslavia experienced a serious economic decline and fell ripe to the commercial influence of Nazi Germany while under the dictatorship of King Alexander, a Serb who sought to dominate the other ethnic groups in the country and was assassinated by Croatian extremists in Paris in 1934. With the invasion of the Balkans in 1941 by Hitler's troops, Serbia fell to the Axis powers after Belgrade suffered intensive air attacks. During the German occupation of Serbia, the Orthodox population was persecuted by the Germans and Croatian Ustashi fascists. A Serbian nationalistic group, the Chetniks, tried to restore the exiled monarchy but eventually united with the Ustashi. They later joined the occupying fascists to fight the communist-inspired National Liberation Movement of Tito (Josip Broz). After the war, Serbia became one of the republics of socialist Yugoslavia in 1944, which was governed by Tito, a Croat who sought to unify the diverse ethnic groups in the Yugoslav federation during his long presidency that lasted until his death in 1980.

Whereas Tito had managed to keep the republics more or less connected, after his death dissension within the Yugoslav federation over political control and the best means to address the country's growing economic problems and political unrest led to increasing discontent over the Communist system and eventually the breakup of the federation as several republics seceded in 1991 and 1992. Slobodan Miloševic, the former leader of the Communist Party in Serbia that became the Serbian Socialist Party at the close of the 1980s, was elected president of Yugoslavia in December 1990. Expanding Serbia's frontiers by incorporating Yugoslavia's autonomous provinces of Kosovo, where about 90 percent of the population was now Albanian, and Vojvodina, with a large Hungarian population, into the Republic of Serbia, Miloševic refused to accept the peaceful secession of the former Yugoslav republics of Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia in the early 1990s. The ethnic violence that followed, coupled with Miloševic's failure to transform Serbia's economy despite his attempts at absolutist political control, arguably led to his loss of power in October 2000.

Although Yugoslavia in the 1980s had remained relatively calm politically, riots in Prishtina, the capital of KosovoYugoslavia's economically poorest regionby Albanian nationalists in 1981 increased mistrust between the majority Albanian population in Kosovo and Kosovo's Serbs and Montenegrins, who were in the minority. Repression of Kosovar Albanians by Serbian security and police forces increased in the 1990s in response to Kosovar attempts to declare their province the sovereign Republic of Kosovo in September 1990 with Ibrahim Rugova, a non-violent resistance leader, as president. The reaction of Miloševic was to remove Albanians from government offices and state operations and to prohibit ethnic Albanians from attending university. Under Miloševic's influence, a new curriculum was introduced in Kosovo that featured Serbian instead of Albanian as the language of instruction and taught a decidedly Serbian view of Balkan history. Arbitrary arrests and police violence directed against Albanians in Kosovo became routine. Furthermore, economic output in Kosovo declined severely during the 1990s. The GDP of Kosovo shrank by an estimated 50 percent between 1990 and 1995, by which time the per-capita GDP in Kosovo was less than US$400, although the economy was based on industry, mining, construction, and agroprocessing with a significant contribution (about one-third of the GDP) from agriculture. The non-violent resistance movement in Kosovo created a system of parallel institutions, and education for Kosovar Albanians was provided in private homes, financed by a 3 percent tax that the Albanians paid to their "shadow" government.

Miloševic's imposition of a new constitution on Serbia that made Kosovo and Vojvodina autonomous regions within Serbia without the status of independent states ultimately led to armed rebellion by some Kosovars, notably the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), in 1996. By July 1998 the KLA had attacked enough Serbian police stations and Yugoslav army sites to take control of about 30 percent of Kosovo's territory. The Serbian state retaliated with armed attacks on Albanian villages and expulsions and massacres of ordinary Albanian citizens. The level of violence between the KLA and the Serb forces rapidly accelerated between October 1998 and February 1999, despite a United States-brokered cease-fire with Miloševic in October 1998 and the introduction of 600 (of a promised 2,000) unarmed monitors provided by the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). Serb forces conducted house to house searches, mass arrests, and beatings in Kosovo. A peacemaking attempt by the "Contact Group" of representatives from the U.S., Russia, Britain, France, Italy, and Germany was made in Rambouillet, France in February 1999 that involved Rugova and Albanian non-violent resistors, members of the Kosovar Albanian armed resistance, and Serbs (though only Serbs who backed Miloševic's views). Kosovar Albanians agreed to a three year period of autonomy after which Serbia and the international community would review the status of Kosovo. However, Serbia refused to accept NATO peacekeepers on Serbian soil, and on 24 March 1999, NATO began a bombing campaign in Yugoslavia to force Miloševic and the Serbian police and army to halt the ethnic violence and comply with the terms of the Rambouillet accord. Despite the presence and growth of a strong antiwar protest movement in Serbia and political opposition there to Miloševic's regime, the response from the Serbian state to the NATO attacks was a stepped-up effort to eradicate the Kosovar Albanian population. The violence on the ground wound down only after another form of violence was perpetrated on the people of Serbia and Kosovo: the massive bombings, including of civilian targets, by NATO warplanes.

With the extensive displacement of peoples on the Balkan Peninsula associated with the political and economic disruptions and ethnonationalist aggression of the 1990s, the statistical measurement of the population in Serbia and Kosovo has been severely hampered. Population counts and education-related measures for the 1990s and the early twenty-first century must thus be interpreted with caution, as their accuracy and reliability are often questionable. A new census scheduled for March 2001 in the FRY was expected to yield more accurate population counts toward the end of 2001. Bearing this in mind, Serbiathe largest of the six republics once belonging to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslaviahad a population in 1998 of approximately 7.8 million, excluding the population of Kosovo and Metohia. The population of Serbia and the provinces it had incorporated was estimated at almost 10 million in the year 2000. This included thousands of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) who had left other parts of the Balkans due to ethnic violence and intimidation in the late 1980s and 1990s.

During the time Miloševic was in power, 250,000 persons reportedly were killed in the Balkan states, 90 percent of them civilians. From 1991 through 1995, approximately 690,000 refugeesalmost half of them younger than 28 and nearly three-fifths of them femalefled the war in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and entered Serbia. About 300,000 people from Serbia, most of them highly educated, left Serbia in the 1990s. About 740,000 Kosovar Albanians were expelled from Kosovo in 1998 and 1999, many fleeing to nearby Albania and Macedonia. In the year 2000 an estimated 230,000 displaced persons from Kosovo as well as 500,000 refugees from Bosnia and Croatia were living in the FRY (including Montenegro). In September 2000 about 82,000 ethnic Albanians who had fled Kosovo returned to that province, although almost 223,000 Kosovo Serbs, Roma, and members of other minority groups continued to be displaced inside Serbia and Montenegro. Other counts indicated that about 400,000 refugees remained in Serbia in early 2001.

In 1910 Serbia had an urban population of 315,366, approximately 10.8 percent of Serbia's population at the time, who lived in 40 towns of at least 2,000 inhabitants each. Eighty years later in 1991 about 52 percent of the population of the FRY (Serbia and Montenegro) lived in urban areas. In 1991 the ethnic composition of Serbia was about 80 percent Serb; 4.4 percent Hungarian; 2.3 percent Bosniac; 1.5 percent Montenegrin; 1.2 percent each Croat and Roma; 1 percent Albanian; less than 1 percent each Slovak, Bulgarian, Macedonian, Romanian, Bunjevci, Ruthenian, and Valachian; and 5 percent other (mainly "Yugoslav"). In terms of religious affiliation, in 1991 approximately 65 percent of the inhabitants of the FRY (Serbia and Montenegro plus the 2 autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina) was Orthodox, 19 percent was Muslim, 4 percent was Roman Catholic, 1 percent was Protestant, and 11 percent had other religious affiliations. About 95 percent of the population of the FRY spoke Serbian (though the Montenegrin version of Serbo-Croatian differs slightly from the main language of Serbia) and about 5 percent spoke Albanian.

In 2000 the total fertility rate in Serbia was about 1.7 children born per woman. An estimated 20 percent of the country's population was 14 years old or younger while about two-thirds of the population was between 15 and 64 and about 15 percent was 65 years of age or older. (Again, this assumes an age balance in 2000 equivalent to that in 1991, when the last census was taken. Due to large population shifts, this probably was not the case.) In 2000 Serbia had an infant-mortality rate of 20 per 1,000 live births and the average life expectancy at birth was 72.4 years (69.3 for men and 75.7 for womena significant gender difference).

Before the former Socialist Yugoslav federation dissolved in the early 1990s, Serbia had an estimated population of 9.3 million out of a total 23.5 million for all of Yugoslavia and produced 38 percent of the former Yugoslavia's economic output. In 1999 the structure of Serbia's workforce stood as follows: 37.3 percent of the labor force was employed in industry and mining and just 4.3 percent was employed in agriculture, fisheries, and forestry; the rest were employed in commerce, crafts, and service jobs. About 8.4 percent of the workforce was employed in education and culture. That year, the FRY had an annual economic growth rate of -20 percent of the GDP. Economic outputs declined substantially in the 1990s, and the FRY stood in dire need of international economic assistance. However, international financial support to Serbia was severely limited due to the sanctions that remained in place for much of the 1990s and Serbia and Montenegro's resistance to cooperating with the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia before late June 2001, when ex-president Miloševic was extradited to the International Criminal Tribunal in The Hague.

In 1998 Serbia's GDP was US$16.4 million, but significant black-market and gray-market activity also existed in the FRY, complicating the accurate estimation of real economic outputs for the 1990s. GDP per capita in Serbia in 1998 was estimated to be US$2,000. In the late 1990s unemployment in the FRY went as high as 60 percent. Unemployment in Serbia in July 2000 ranged up to about 33 percent, depending on skill level and educational attainment. Unqualified workers, lower-skilled workers, and skilled workers had the highest unemployment rates (33 percent, 26.3 percent, and 28.3 percent, respectively). Near the close of the twentieth century, Serbia derived its income mainly from the industrial and service sectors with less of an emphasis on agriculture and almost no income gained from the maritime trades due to Ser bia's landlocked status.

Serbia required substantial international development assistance during the 1990s and early twenty-first century to repair the damage caused by the 1999 NATO bombings and to recover from the economic disruptions of a decade of war and international sanctions. Total economic damage in Serbia due to the NATO attacks was estimated to be about US$30 billion. Prior to a conference of international donors held on 29 June 2001, in Brussels, Belgium to discuss financial assistance for the FRY, Serbia received relatively little financial support from abroad other than through the black market and the Serbian "mafia." At the June 2001 conference representatives from about 40 countries, UN agencies, and the World Bank pledged about US$1.2 billion to help the FRY rebuild its infrastructure, including war-damaged schools, and pay the salaries of teachers and doctors.

Constitutional & Legal Foundations

At the turn of the millennium Serbia was one of the two republics (and two autonomous provinces) belonging to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, self-proclaimed on 11 April 1992 as the successor state to the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) and formally established by the Constitution of 27 April 1992. During the 1990s the United States refused to acknowledge the FRY as a legitimate country and chose instead to deal separately with the republics of Serbia and Montenegro. In November 2000 the newly elected government of the FRY, eager to democratize and build economic ties with the West, dropped the FRY's claim of successorship to the SFRY, and the international community officially recognized the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia as a legitimate, independent state.

Serbian law is based on a civil law system. All Serbs, women and men, are eligible to vote at age 18; 16- and 17-year-olds also can vote if they are employed. Besides participating in the election of the president of the federation, Serbs elect their own republican president as chief of state of the Republic of Serbia. Milan Milutinovic was elected president of Serbia on 21 December 1997 (although he himself was indicted by The Hague Tribunal and considered ripe for arrest shortly by mid-2001). The prime minister of Serbia in early 2001 was Zoran Djindjic, who in late June 2001 arranged for Miloševic's extradition. At the federal level, Miloševic was the president of the FRY from 1987 until October 2000 after he lost the September 2000 presidential election to Vojislav Koštunica, an opposition party candidate who ran on a platform of democratic reforms, economic improvements, and an end to corruption in the FRY. The executive branch at the federal level also includes a prime minister, several deputy ministers, and a cabinet known as the Federal Executive Council. The prime minister of the FRY in early June 2001 was Zoran Zizic, who resigned in protest after Miloševic's 28 June extradition to the International Criminal Tribunal, claiming that federal constitutional procedures had not been followed and that the Serbian prime minister had had no right to extradite the former Yugoslav president.

At the federal level the legislative branch of the FRY is a bicameral Federal Assembly (Savezna Skupstina ) composed of a Chamber of Republics (Vece Republika ) of 40 members, 20 of them Serbian representatives and 20 Montenegrin representatives, elected to 4 year terms and distributed according to the party distributions in the republican assemblies of Serbia and Montenegro, and a Chamber of Citizens (Vece Gradjana ) of 138 members, 108 of them Serbian representatives (half of whom are elected by constituency majorities and half by proportional representation) and 30 of them Montenegrin representatives (6 elected by constituency majorities and 24 by proportional representation), all of whom serve 4 year terms. The third branch of the federal government is the judicial branch, consisting of a Federal Court (Savezni Sud ) and a Constitutional Court, both of whose judges are elected to nine year terms by the Federal Assembly.

Under the Miloševic regime, the human rights situation in Serbia and the rest of the federation was notoriously poor. According to the Country Report on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia released in February 2001 by the U.S. Department of State's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, prior to Koštunica's election, former Yugoslav President Miloševic had brought Serbia closer to open dictatorship than ever before. Immediately following the 1999 war in Kosovo, Miloševic moved to consolidate his weakened position in Serbia through a campaign of intimidation and violence against his political opponents, representatives of the independent media, student groups, civil society, and even, in certain cases, members of the regime. Miloševic had also tried to populate federal institutions, including the judiciary, with his cronies and supporters and thus had disrupted normal politics and the progress that others in Serbia and Yugoslavia wanted to make toward democracy and transparency. Under Miloševic the FRY's security forces frequently had abused their power, terrorizing those who opposed Miloševic's policies and actions, especially in Kosovo. Students, too, sometimes became victims of police abuse. In November 1999 Belgrade police forcibly stopped the protests of 2,500 students in Belgrade who were demanding early parliamentary elections in Serbia. Dominated by Miloševic supporters, the federal legislature had the federal constitution altered in July 2000 to restrict Montenegro's autonomy and to allow one more presidential term for Miloševic. The Montenegrin government boycotted the September 2000 federal election as a result. Miloševic then manipulated the federal election commission and constitutional court in Yugoslavia to try to force a second round in the federal presidential election of September 2000 where he had been defeated by Koštunica. The response of mass rallies by opposition supporters led to the storming of the federal parliament on 5 October 2000 and the occupation of the Serbian state television station. On 7 October Miloševic finally conceded the election to Koštunica, who was immediately inaugurated as president of the FRY.

Within the FRY serious human rights problems existed in 2000, including violence and discrimination against women, trafficking in women and girls for forced prostitution, and police repression, as well as official and societal discrimination against Muslims, Roma, and other minorities in various parts of the FRY. Severe repression of political critics, student activists, the media, and political dissidents under the Miloševic regime also was a serious problem prior to Miloševic's loss of presidential power in September/October 2000, his arrest in April 2001, and his extradition in June 2001.

With the removal of Miloševic, national and international observers in mid-2001 predicted other arrests of indicted war criminals would follow in both Serbia and Montenegro and expected to see the republican governments and possibly the federal government as well adopt more cooperative attitudes toward the International Criminal Tribunal. The promise of substantial international donations to reconstruct the economies and infrastructure of the FRY following Miloševic's extradition were viewed as a spur likely to produce a more positive climate within Serbia and Montenegro for international cooperation with great potential for positively impacting social and economic conditions in Serbia. Hopes inside Serbia and the FRY and internationally ran high by mid-2001 that with Miloševic no longer dominating federal politics, the human rights climate could turn more positive and Serbia could begin the difficult task of democratizing the government and society and rebuilding the economy and the country's infrastructure, including the educational system.


Educational SystemOverview

The education system in Serbia has been shaped in large measure by that of its predecessor, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and by Serbian and federal laws passed in the 1990s. Educational policy in Serbia is determined by the federal government together with the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Serbia, with cooperation in some areas from international actors, such as the European Union, UN agencies, and nongovernmental organizations. At the turn of the millennium the Ministry of Education was concentrating its efforts on making education and the management of education more democratic, improving Serbia's secondary level vocational education institutions and programs, and strengthening adult education and training. Significant efforts also were being directed toward repairing schools damaged in the 1999 NATO bombing campaign and toward outfitting schools with necessary teaching materials and equipment. According to a May 2001 publication of the European Commission's European Training Foundation, Serbia's Minister of Education sought to accomplish the following strategic goals:

  1. Introduce a new model of governance based on the active involvement of a large number of actors in the decision-making process and the implementation of policy.
  2. Instill radical change in the decision-making and policy-development culture within the institution by mobilizing external expertise, working in tandem with other actors, and using information on the actual state of the education system and its needs.
  3. Ensure a better relationship between the Ministry and schools by shifting the focus from controlling schools to directing and supporting their performance.

Short term goals of the Ministry in 2001 were to create a more efficient internal structure within the Ministry and to develop an educational reform strategy that could accomplish three goals: make schools more democratic bodies fostering democratic education, use education to promote and achieve social and economic development, and match secondary vocational education and adult education to Serbian labor market needs.

In 1991 the literacy rate in Serbia was estimated to be about 98.3 percent in urban areas and 95.2 percent in rural areas, with an estimated 92 percent of rural women literate. Compulsory education in Serbia includes the 8 grades of primary school that are typically attended by students 7 through 14 years of age. Serbian has been the principal language of instruction in Serbia's schools, almost all of which are public. Other languages of instruction include Hungarian, Albanian, Slovak, and Romanian at the elementary and secondary levels. In the 1998-1999 school year, 37,594 primary pupils and 8,867 secondary students were taught in minority languages or in bilingual schools in Serbia.

In 1997 about 32.2 percent of the population in the FRY was of school agethat is, between 3 and 24 years of age. The 1997-1998 gross enrollment ratio for Serbia at the primary level was 98.4 percent. In 1999-2000 about 48.6 percent of the students who were enrolled in Serbia's basic education programs were girls; 50.4 percent of upper secondary students (both general and vocational) were female, as were 53 percent of the students at the tertiary level that year. Nearly 1.3 million Serbs were enrolled in primary, secondary, and tertiary institutions out of Serbia's total population of about 8 million, excluding Kosovo and Metohia for whom educational statistics are generally excluded in the European Training Foundation Montenegro's January 2001 report.

Participation in preschool programming is optional in Serbia. However, 1,661 public kindergartens existed in 1999-2000. Basic education is divided into two stages: lower primary, covering grades 1-4 for children ages 7 through 10, and upper primary, covering grades 5-8 for children aged 11 through 14. Pupils in grades 1-8 numbered 731,427 in 1999-2000 in Serbia, but the gross enrollment ratio for basic education (the free, compulsory, first 8 years of schooling) is not available for that year.

Upper secondary schooling in Serbia includes either 4 years of general education for students 15 through 18 years of age or 2, 3, or 4 years of vocational education for students starting at age 15. Specialized secondary schools also exist to provide four years of education in the arts, music, or ballet. Tertiary education is provided through university faculties and art academies for four to six years or through postsecondary schools where courses usually last two to three years. Tertiary education typically begins for students at age 19. Specialized university studies are also available that last an additional one to two years beyond undergraduate education and lead to a diploma with a professional title. Post-graduate studies leading to magisterial (Master's) degrees last two years, and doctoral degree programs require three years of postgraduate study.

Schools in Kosovo were heavily damaged during the NATO bombing raids in 1999. In a survey taken jointly by UNICEF and other nongovernmental organizations just after the NATO military campaign to halt Serb aggression against Kosovar Albanians, an estimated 37 percent of 784 schools in Kosovo were found to have been completely destroyed or in very bad condition. Water and sanitation facilities in many, if not most, schools in Kosovo also stood in dire need of repair or construction. Additionally, many school buildings had almost no equipment or textbooks. One educational expert wrote in a European Training Foundation report in December 2000 that "initially there was an overwhelming need for repair and reconstruction and as well, supplies in order to meet the immediate aim of ensuring that children returned to school at the start of the 1999-2000 school year." Technological equipmentand school equipment in generalwas sorely missing from Kosovo's schools at the start of the new millennium. By January 2000, some 362 school buildings out of a total of 800 that had needed significant repairs were completely repaired and back in operation, while 281 additional buildings were still under repair. Largely through international contributions, basic furnishings and supplies were provided to schools in Kosovo so that education could be restarted after the NATO bombing attacks.

The structure of the educational system in Kosovo closely resembles the educational system in Serbia, although vocational education at the secondary level normally lasts three or four years. Additionally, the greater involvement of international nongovernmental organizations, during the late 1990s and afterwards, in Kosovo rather than in Serbia has enriched program offerings at the preschool level and elsewhere in the educational system to a greater extent. For example, since 1998 the Open Society Institute's Step by Step program has been offered in Kosovo to expand the teaching methodologies of preschool teachers and to encourage more democratic participation of teachers, parents, children, and community members in the educational process. Additionally, Step by Step in Kosovo has tended to the needs of minority children such as the Roma, impoverished children, and children with disabilities, as well as to children displaced by war. By the time the NATO bombing began in Kosovo in March 1999, Step by Step had already supported 17 preschool classrooms in preschool and primary institutions, reaching more than 1,000 young children. Following a hiatus due to the military strife, Step by Step recommenced its activities in Kosovo and planned to offer faculty in the two main teacher training institutions in Kosovo specialized training beginning in the year 2000. With the likely injection of substantial educational assistance from the international community into Serbia beginning in the second half of 2001, Serbia, too, will benefit from wider collaborations with international partners.


Preprimary & Primary Education

In the mid-1990s an estimated 31 percent of the age-relevant children were enrolled in preprimary educational institutions in the FRY (Serbia and Montenegro) (i.e., the gross enrollment ratio for preprimary education was 31 percent). As noted above, preprimary education in Serbia is optional. Nonetheless, nearly 165,000 children in Serbiaabout 10.5 percent of all children ages 0 to 7were enrolled in preprimary education in the 1999-2000 school year and taught by 8,134 educators. The ratio of children to educators was reported as 10 to 1 (presumably because preschoolers typically attend half day sessions).

In 1999-2000 about 350,000 pupils were enrolled in lower primary schooling (grades 1-4) and about 380,000 were enrolled in the upper primary grades (grades 5-8) at 3,616 state schools in Serbia, of which 1,443 were full primary schools covering all 8 of the basic education grades. No private primary schools existed in Serbia. With an average pupil to teacher ratio of 16.6, about 44,000 teachers provided primary level instruction in Serbia. Significant differences in class size could be found between village and urban schools with a much lower pupil to teacher ratio in the first four grades of village primary schools than in urban areas. The pupil to teacher ratio for basic education in the FRY as a whole was almost the same: 16.9 in 1997. Few curricular innovations were made in Serbia in the later 1990s at the basic education level except for slight reductions in the number of lessons taught so as to relieve some of the academic pressure on the pupils.

In 1999-2000 almost 287,000 pupils were taught at the primary level in Kosovo, approximately 262,000 of them (91.3 percent) using Albanian, Bosniac, or Turkish as the language of instruction and a little more than 25,000 (8.7 percent) taught in Serbian. Of this 91.3 percent, about 138,000 pupils (52.4 percent of the group) were male and nearly 125,000 (47.6 percent) were female. Of the same 91.3 percent, most (92.3 percent) were taught in Albanian. Late twentieth century estimates indicated that the dropout rate in Kosovo at the primary level was about 6.7 percent; of the 30,000 pupils who enroll in grade 1 each year, only 28,000 were completing their 8 years of primary education. Reportedly 919 schools provided instruction at the primary level, all of them publicly funded, with 15,788 teachers employed. The pupil to teacher ratio was slightly higher in the Albanian language stream (18:1) than in the Turkish and Bosniac streams (16:1) and significantly lower in the Serbian language stream (13:1).


Secondary Education


In 1999-2000 approximately 333,000 students were enrolled in secondary schools covering 4 grades of secondary education in Serbia (80,643 students, or about one-quarter, in general education programs and 251,916 students taking 2, 3, or 4 year vocational programs). The balance of general versus vocational secondary education in the federation as a whole differs significantly from the balance in Serbia. In 1996 about 55.7 percent of upper secondary students in FRY followed general courses of study while 44.3 percent were enrolled in vocational and technical programs. Upper secondary vocational education is directed toward training students along 543 educational profiles in 15 fields of work in Serbia. Thirty-one educational profiles involve 2 years of vocational or technical education, 133 require 3 years, and 148 require 4 years. Additionally, 231 specialist profiles can be followed after 2 years of work experience.

In the 1999-2000 academic year, secondary schools in Serbia numbered 126 general education schools and 311 vocational schools, all of them public, as well as 2 private schools offering general secondary programs. With 24,603 teachers providing secondary instruction, classes ranged from 10 students each in some villages to an average of 30 to 40 students per class in urban areas. The average student to teacher ratio at the secondary level for Serbia was 14. About 52.5 percent of secondary education students in the FRY were female in 1999-2000, but gender-related educational statistics for Serbia were not readily available; neither were reliable, secondary level, gross enrollment ratios available.

Curricular changes in Serbia in the late 1990s included the introduction of computer and informatics courses in all general education secondary schools. The need to revise history textbooks in the FRY was highlighted at the start of the new millennium by reform-minded individuals who found history instruction to be overly biased in a Serbian nationalist direction. Texts covering historical events, such as the war in Bosnia and the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, had a decidedly Serbian ethnonationalist cast to them and stood in significant need of revision so that Balkan history would be more accurately portrayed and ethnically balanced.

In 1999-2000 a reported 80,661 students attended secondary schools in Kosovo, about 61 percent in vocational programs and 39 percent in general education programs. Fifty-four public schools provided secondary education and employed 3,094 teachers. The student to teacher ratio was 19 in the Albanian, Bosniac, and Turkish language stream and 8 in the Serbian language stream. In the 1999-2000 school year, secondary students in Kosovo general education programs numbered 31,318. Of these students 92.9 percent were ethnic Albanians, 5.1 percent were Serbs, and only about 1 percent each were Bosniacs or Turks. Very few Roma students (just five individuals) participated in the general track of secondary education in Kosovo. At the secondary vocational level, 49,343 students were enrolled, of which about 10 percent took the 3 year program and the rest followed 4 year courses of study. Of the vocational students, about 90.9 percent were Albanians, 7.8 percent were Serbs, and less than 1 percent each were Bosniacs, Turks, or Roma. Here, more Roma participated: 53 students. Toward the end of the twentieth century, the dropout rate in Kosovo at the secondary level was around 34 percent with a significantly higher dropout rate for female than for male students.


Higher Education

Serbia had 58 tertiary institutions in the 1999-2000 academic year: 9 public universities (including Prishtina University, which had moved to Central Serbia from Kosovo in 1999) and 3 private universitiesthe 12 universities encompassing 85 faculties. The private universities offered training in commerce, management, and the arts. Serbia also had 49 non-university, post secondary schools. In 1997-1998 the gross enrollment ratio at the tertiary level for people ages 18 through 24 in Serbia was about 22.6 percent17.8 percent in university programs and 4.8 percent in non-university higher education. For the FRY as a whole, gross tertiary enrollment ratios in the mid-1990s had been around 16.5 percent to 21 percent with somewhat higher participation rates for females than for males. In 1999-2000 a total of 211,137 students were enrolled in tertiary studies in Serbia: 156,754 students (85,153 of them enrolled full time) in university programs and 54,383 students (22,540 of them full time) in non-university programs. University level teaching staff numbered 9,561, and the student to teacher ratio was reported as 16.4. Other post secondary tertiary level teaching staff numbered 1,690 with a student to teacher ratio of 32.2. In 1997 tertiary students in the FRY specialized in various disciplines in the following proportions: 7.7 percent of students concentrated in the humanities, 20.8 percent in the social and behavioral sciences, 7.4 percent in the natural sciences, 11.1 percent in medicine, 17.9 percent in engineering, and 35.2 percent in other subject areas.

In the 1999-2000 academic year 22,058 students were enrolled in tertiary programs at the University of Prishtina, where the language of instruction was Albanian. No data were available for the Serbian language stream of tertiary studies. The University of Prishtina, consisting of 14 faculties, and 7 higher schools provided instruction at the tertiary level in Kosovo. The total number of teachers in university and post secondary positions, including university professors, lecturers, higher school professors, assistants, and collaborators, was 1,083, yielding a student to teacher ratio of 20:1.


Administration, Finance, & Educational Research


The Ministry of Education has primary administrative responsibility for Serbia's basic education system and for the secondary and tertiary levels of instruction as well. At the federal level, the Rectors' Conference of Yugoslavia seated in Belgrade also formulates and administers education policy and practices. In 1998 public expenditures on education and training in Serbia amounted to US$621 million or about 3.8 percent of the known GDP. About 40.4 percent of government expenditures covered net salaries while about 2.2 percent went to investments, 11.2 percent covered school equipment, 29.5 percent paid for social allowances, and 16.7 percent covered other education-related expenses. Of all funds spent on education, 46.5 percent were allocated for basic education, 25.3 percent for secondary education, and 28.2 percent for education at the tertiary level. The government ministry responsible for social and family care and for welfare provided the state contribution to preprimary education: one year of preschool for all six year olds (three hours per day) and preschool education for children without parents, children with emotional or behavioral problems, and children hospitalized for long periods. Municipal authorities and parents covered daycare costs for preprimary children.

Despite the international sanctions imposed on the former Yugoslavia beginning in 1991 in response to "ethnic cleansing" in the Balkans, certain international donors provided substantial educational support to Serbia by the late 1990s. This preceded the more sizable promise of international development funds at the June 2001 international donors conference for the former Yugoslavia held in Brussels. For example, UNICEF alone gave US$1.4 million in 1998, $2.4 million in 1999, and about $4.0 million in 2000 to make emergency repairs on school buildings and heating facilities and to provide books for school libraries, clothing and shoes for children, preprimary equipment and toys, and in-service teacher training in Serbia.

The Ministry of Education of the Interim Government of Kosova and the Department of Education and Science of the UN Interim Administration in Kosovo (UNMIK) handle educational administration. The Department of Education and Science pays salaries financed mainly by international donors, based on criteria established for the "consolidated budget" for Kosovo. Some educational institutions are directly funded by agencies and nongovernmental organizations or generate their own revenue (e.g., by renting out their facilities), while others receive modest funds from the consolidated budget to cover basic operating expenses. Public spending on education in February 2000 amounted to about 28 percent of all public spending in Kosovo. Regarding the division of funds across the various education levels, about 5 percent of the public funds used for education went to preschool programming, 65 percent covered primary education, 19 percent covered secondary education, and 11 percent went to higher education. In the year 2000, major grants from international donors to finance school reconstruction amounted to US$36.6 million with the Japanese government and UNICEF together providing US$8 million, the International Development Bank and Danida (the Danish government agency for international development assistance) each providing US$6 million, and ECHO providing $7 million. Other contributors giving between US$1 million and $2.5 million in 2000 included SDC, CIDA, the British Red Cross, UNDP, and DRA in collaboration with OxFam.


Nonformal Education

In 1999-2000 about 2,200 adult learners in Serbia were enrolled in basic education programs through 18 publicly funded institutions where a total of 197 teachers provide instruction and the student to teacher ratio was 13. In the late 1990s adult vocational and technical education programs at the secondary level existed in Serbia through part time studies within regular upper secondary schools; no special upper secondary schools existed where only adults were enrolled. Additionally, some community open universities provided informal training to adults in Serbia. A significant shortage of education and training opportunities for adults in Serbia was acknowledged.

A May 2001 description of Serbian education published by the European Training Foundation observed, "Adult education and training has suffered significantly during the last few years. It is estimated that in recent years only 1 percent of the adult population received training." Although traditionally adult education schools had existed in Serbia, most of the participants were young dropouts between the ages of 15 and 18 rather than older adults seeking retraining. Workers Universities had previously offered short and long courses to adults looking for additional training or developing new skills, but in 2001 only 10 of these were still operating. Employment Offices also had customarily provided training to job seekers and employees, yet financial and size constraints in 2001 were prevented them from serving all those interested in benefiting from their training services. Courses in the state-sponsored Employment Offices generally focused on computing, project management, management skills, and job-seeking tactics. Finally, training centers established within private enterprises also existed, though little information was publicly available concerning their capacity to adequately train employees who sought instruction there. As already noted, one of the Minister of Education's priorities in 2001 was to improve the course offerings and training possibilities open to adult learners in Serbia so as to better match job skills with those needed in the economy.


Teaching Profession

Pedagogical institutes and in-service teacher training centers in Serbia were closed in 1991. For the next 10 years, the Ministry of Education provided no systematic in-service education. However, the Ministry offered one or two seminars and workshops per year to teachers as refresher courses in specific subject areas. Initial teacher preparation has been provided by a variety of institutions. Preschool teachers receive two years of post secondary training either in specialized teacher preparation schools or in university faculties. Primary teachers of the first four grades attend teacher training colleges for four years and primary teachers of grades 5-8 also complete four years of tertiary education, covering the relevant disciplines in which they will teach. Primary teachers of music and the arts receive training in post secondary art schools (for both music and the arts) that offer specialized training. Secondary level teachers receive four years of higher education in arts and science faculties with special courses in education and teaching methodology integrated with their studies plus a semester of practice teaching during the year before they graduate. Educators at the tertiary levelassistants, docents, faculty professors, regular professors, and extraordinary professorsobtain their higher education (and research training, depending on the level of education and area of expertise) in university undergraduate and post-graduate programs. Those interested in promotion to the highest positions must obtain the Doktor Nauka (Doctor of Science) degree in the appropriate fields of higher education and research. All teachers at the tertiary level must receive some form of specialized training.

New efforts in the late 1990s to increase the skills of teachers through in-service training were provided mainly by nongovernmental organizations and international agencies in Serbia, offering basic education teachers training in active learning methods, democratic and multicultural education, psychosocial rehabilitation, and children's rights. UNICEF programs run cooperatively with the Ministry of Education trained about 5,000 teachers in active teaching and learning, about 15,000 teachers in nonviolent conflict resolution skills, and about 10,000 in methods of providing psychosocial support and assistance in difficult circumstances; about 1,000 preschool teachers received training from UNICEF in more flexible, innovative, child-centered teaching methodologies.


Summary

At the start of the twenty-first century, Serbia required substantial inputs to reconstruct its damaged educational system. Many schools were damaged in the violence of the 1990s and stood in major need of repair at the turn of the millennium. Educational equipment was in considerably short supply, and teaching materials sometimes were provided by international organizations such as UNICEF rather than by the state, due to Serbia's severe economic problems and the economic embargo on the country. The most needed reforms to be made in the educational system of Serbiaother than repairing basic infrastructure in Serbia and Kosovocentered on democratizing education, both from a procedural and a management standpoint, and making learning a more active enterprise for students and teachers alike. Kosovo was receiving substantial support in this area by the year 2000 from the international community, but assistance to Serbia was slower to follow due to the political and economic constraints on the republic and the slow pace at which Serbian and Yugoslav officials complied with the demands of the International Criminal Tribunal. Curricula also needed to be revised to more accurately depict historical events and to reflect the multicultural, multilinguistic nature of Serbia and the rest of the Balkan peninsula. In June 2001 a large conference of international donors met in Brussels to discuss an international package of financial assistance to the former Yugoslavia, including Serbia and Kosovo. Much of the US$1.2 billion in funds pledged at the conference was designated for the educational sector to cover the salaries of educational personnel and to rebuild war-damaged schools and equip them with the materials needed to restart and improve educational programming. By 2001 Serbia seemed to be marking a new political direction for itself that would lead to social and economic improvements for the people of Serbia and Kosovo, including in the field of education. The possibilities for enhancing the educational system seemed promising as the government of Serbia prepared to develop a comprehensive educational reform package and to receive the necessary financial means to implement the desired reforms, including educational changes that would stimulate the Serbian economy and promote greater cooperation across Serbia and Kosovo, the other Balkan states, and beyond.

Bibliography

American Friends Service Committee. "Background to the Kosova Conflict and NATO Bombing." In Stop the War in KosovaFOR [Fellowship of Reconciliation] Resource Packet. Nyack, NY: Fellowship of Reconciliation, 1999.

Amnesty International. "Europe" and "Yugoslavia (Federal Republic of)." In Amnesty International Report 2001. Available from http://web.amnesty.org/.

Berryman, Sue E. Hidden Challenges to Education Systems in Transition Economies. Washington, DC: The World Bank, Europe and Central Asia Region, Human Development Sector, 2000.

Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. "Yugoslavia, Federal Republic of." In Country Reports on Human Rights Practices2000. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State, February 2001. Available from http://www.state.gov/.

The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The World Factbook 2000. Directorate of Intelligence, 1 January 2001. Available from http://www.cia.gov/.

Ciagne, Gina. World Bank Grant Helps Rebuild Kosovo's Education and Health Sectors. Washington: The World Bank, 10 May 2000.

The European Commission. The EU and South Eastern Europe. 2001. Available from http://europa.eu.int/.

European Commission and the World Bank's Program for Reconstruction and Recovery in Kosovo. Economic Reconstruction and Development in South East Europe: Information about Kosovo. Available from http://www.seerecon.org/.

European Training Foundation, European Union. Education System [in Serbia]; ETF Activities; FRYSerbia; and Republic of Kosovo: Guide to the Foundation Montenegro's Support to Vocational Education and Training/Labour market reform in the Republic of Kosovo in 2001. Available from http://www.etf.eu.int/.

Gianaris, Nicholas V. Geopolitical and Economic Changes in the Balkan Countries. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1996.

Government of the Republic of Serbia. Serbia. Available from http://www.serbia-info.com/.

Hull, Richard E. Imposing International Sanctions: Legal Aspects and Enforcement by the Military. Washington, DC: National Defense University Press, 1997. Available from http://www.ndu.edu/inss/insship.html.

Human Rights Watch. Federal Republic of YugoslaviaSerbia and Montenegro: Human Rights Developments and Federal Republic of YugoslaviaKosovo. World Report 2001. Available from http://www.hrw.org/.

Independent Task Force with Steven Rattner, Chairman and Michael B.G. Froman, Project Director. Promoting Sustainable Economies in the Balkans. New York: Council on Foreign Relations, Inc., 2000.

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Palairet, Michael. The Balkan Economies c. 1800-1914: Evolution Without Development. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

Pupovci, Dukagjin. Statistical Data for Background Purposes of OECD ReviewCountry: Kosova. Ljubljana, Slovenia: University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Education, Centre for Educational Policy Studies, December 2000.

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World Bank, the Task Force on Higher Education and Society. Higher Education in Developing Countries: Peril and Promise. Washington, DC: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank, 2000.

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Barbara Lakeberg Dridi

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Serbia

SERBIA

SERBIA. The kingdom of Serbia disappeared from the map of Europe in the fifteenth century, following defeats at the hands of the Ottoman Empire beginning with the Battle of Kosovo in 1389. The Ottoman conquest socially leveled Serbia. The Serbian aristocrat either converted to Islam, lost his lands and privileges, or was killed. The result was a society consisting of peasants. However, the memory of independence was kept alive by the Serbian Orthodox Church. A Serbian archbishopric had been founded in 1219 thanks to the initiative of the monk Sava (Rastko Nemanjic, a son of Nemanja, the founder of the Nemanjic dynasty). The archbishop had been raised to the level of patriarch by Stefan Dušan in 1346. Although this patriarchate did not survive him, a Serbian church remained and continued to define the Serbian population culturally. The Ottomans restored the Serbian patriarchate in 1557 at Peć, a city in modern northwestern Kosovo. It lasted until 1766, when fears of collusion with Ottoman enemies convinced the government to abolish it. The church, ministering to its peasant flock via its peasant clergy, nourished the continued existence of a Serbia not as a state, but as an identity.

SERBIA UNDER THE OTTOMANS

Most of medieval Serbian territory fell to the Ottoman province of Rumeli, which extended from the Peloponnese to the Danube; Serbian populations also inhabited the provinces of Bosnia, Kanije, and Temeşvar, until the latter two were taken by the Habsburg Monarchy in wars of the seventeenth century. The notable towns of the Serbian kingdom now became Ottoman garrisons. Belgrade, not a part of Stefan Dušan's Serbia in any case, had up to 40,000 inhabitants in 1632, but was down to 15,000 in 1838. Niš, Kruševac, Peć, and other important towns in Serbia withered. As inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire, Serbs both suffered and benefited. Many Serbs chose to convert to Islam, in which cases they instantly became members of the favored faith and thus part of the ruling class. It is true that Orthodox Christian Serbs were subject to taxes and levies that Muslims did not pay, but those burdens were potentially balanced by the fact that Christians did not have to fight in Ottoman armies. Above all, though, the fact remains that the Orthodox Christians of the Ottoman Empire were administered via the millet system, by which they were governed by their own church hierarchy.

The millet system was established in 1453 as a result of a decree by Sultan Mehmed II (ruled 14441446, 14511481). It reflected the Ottoman belief that one's identity is fundamentally religious. Thus, while one had the option to convert to Islam and enjoy the fruits of that conversion, one also had the right to maintain one's faith. Thus, the Ottomans administered their subjects as religious beings, and the Orthodox patriarch in Istanbul was given responsibility for the Orthodox Christians of the empire. On the local level, where contact between the believer and the church was most common, the parish priest was of the ethnicity of the flock. The church was made responsible for marriage, divorce, and the collection of dues to the church as well as to the state. The millet system thus ameliorated some of the effects of the Ottoman conquest. Serbian statehood was gone, but a Serbian, Orthodox Christian identity was maintained through what many Serbs see as a "dark age" thanks to a system that allowed a degree of self-administration.

Over the course of the Ottoman conquest and in subsequent centuries, many Orthodox Christians migrated northward and westward under the pressure of the Ottoman advance. Thus, a large Serbian presence was established in the Habsburg Monarchy. Population movements began in earnest after the Battle of Smederevo in 1459, and by 1483, up to two hundred thousand Orthodox Christians had moved into central Slavonia and Srijem. The final major population shift occurred in the 1690s, following an Austro-Ottoman war, when at least 30,000 Orthodox Serbs, led by Patriarch Arsenije III Crnojevic, made their way from Kosovo north to southern Hungary. The center of authority in the Serbian Orthodox Church moved with the migrants. The Patriarchate at Peć, which would finally be extinguished by the Ottomans in 1766, was essentially replaced by the Metropolitanate of Sremski Karlovci, in Croatia. Through the late nineteenth century, two institutions, the military frontier and the metropolitanate, would define Serbian life in the Habsburg Monarchy. The military frontier would exist until 1881. The Orthodox Christians who had made their way from Ottoman territories to the Habsburg Monarchy were given certain privileges, usually including a plot of land, freedom from taxation by the local aristocracy, and freedom of worship, but they paid for these privileges with military service in times of crisis. Individual agreements, the most famous of which was the Statuta Valachorum, issued in 1630 by Emperor Ferdinand II (ruled 16191637), regulated the obligations of the Orthodox Serbian population. Settlement patterns, with Banija, Kordun, and Lika in the west, and parts of Slavonia in the east, heavily populated by Serbs, were a result of these agreements.

ORIGINS OF THE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT

Although the Serbian population of the Habsburg Monarchy was more advanced economically and educationally, the origins of a modern Serbian state can be traced to the late eighteenth century in the pašalik (Turk., pashalik ) of Belgrade, the northernmost reach of the Ottoman Empire in Europe. This region, south of the Danube and Sava rivers and east of the Drina River, would become the geographic core of modern Serbia. The first stirrings of rebellion among the Serbs of the region followed the Austro-Ottoman War of 17881791, during which Serbs had fought for the Austrian empire. Thereafter, the Serbs of the region were left to their own devices by the Austrians, who had lost the war. In spite of their disloyalty to the sultan, the Serbs as well as the Ottomans desired stability in the region. However, in the ever-weaker Ottoman Empire, the borderlands had come under the sway of local janissaries, and the pašalik of Belgrade was no exception. The sultan and his Serbian subjects had a mutual interest in destroying the destabilizing influence of the janissaries, and the roots of the Serbian independence movement were thus paradoxically to be found in an alliance of local Serbian headmen with the Ottoman central government. The revolution of 1804 thus began as a movement for economic and political stability within the Ottoman Empire rather than as a romantic-nationalist movement for independence.

See also Austro-Ottoman Wars ; Balkans ; Ferdinand II (Holy Roman Empire) ; Ottoman Empire .

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Lampe, John R., and Marvin R. Jackson. Balkan Economic History, 15501950. Bloomington, Ind., 1982.

Pavlowitch, Stevan K. Serbia: The History of an Idea. New York, 2002.

Sugar, Peter F. Southeastern Europe under Ottoman Rule, 13541804. Seattle, 1977.

Nicholas J. Miller

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Serbia

Serbia Balkan republic that, with the smaller Republic of Montenegro, forms the rump federal state of Yugoslavia. Serbia is bounded n by Hungary, e by Romania and Bulgaria, s by Macedonia, sw by Albania and Montenegro, w by Bosnia-Herzegovina, and nw by Croatia. It includes the provinces of Vojvodina (n) and Kosovo (s), formerly autonomous under the Yugoslav federation. The capital is Belgrade, and other major cities include Niš (Serbia), Novi Sad (Vojvodina), and Priština (Kosovo). The republic can be geographically divided between the mountainous s and the fertile n plain drained by the rivers Danube, Sava, Tisza, and Morava. Vojvodina is the principal agricultural area, producing fruit and grain. Serbia is the principal industrial area, with mining and steel manufacture. Kosovo is a poor region with large coal deposits.

History and Politics

Serbs settled the area in the 7th century ad, and they adopted Orthodox Christianity under Byzantine rule. Serbia was the leading Balkan power until defeated by the Ottoman Turks in 1389. The Ottomans divided the territory and installed a puppet regime. In 1459, Serbia became a province of the Ottoman Empire. The 18th-century decline of the Ottoman Empire encouraged Serbian nationalism. In 1829, Serbia gained autonomy under Russian protection. In 1867, Milan Obrenović began a war in support of a rebellion against Turkish rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Russia intervened to aid Serbia and, in 1878, Turkey finally granted Serbia complete independence. In 1903, King Alexander Obrenović was assassinated, and Peter I (the Great) became king.

In 1908, when Austro-Hungary annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia responded by forming the Balkan League. In 1912, the alliance defeated the Turks but disintegrated into factional feuding. In 1913, Serbia defeated Bulgaria in the second Balkan War. The expansion of Serbian territory in the Balkan Wars antagonized Austria, and the assassination of the Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand led to the outbreak of World War 1. In 1918, Serbia became the leading force in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, renamed Yugoslavia in 1929. During World War 2, the German army occupied and divided Yugoslavia. Resistance was two-fold: Tito led the Yugoslav communist partisans, and Mihajović led the Serbian nationalists (Chetniks). In 1946 Serbia became an autonomous republic within Tito's neo-communist Yugoslavia. In 1987, President Slobodan Milošević restated nationalist claims for a Greater Serbia, including Vojvodina, Kosovo, and Serb-populated areas in Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Macedonia. In 1989, Serbian troops were sent to suppress Albanian nationalism in Kosovo. In 1991, Serbia prevented Croatia from assuming presidency of the federation. Croatia and Slovenia responded by declaring independence, and the Serbian-controlled Yugoslav army invaded. In 1991, the army withdrew from Slovenia. In 1992, Serbia and Croatia agreed to a UN-brokered ceasefire, allowing Serbia to keep the territory it captured. Serbian troops quickly seized nearly 75% of the newly recognized republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina and pursued a policy of ‘ethnic cleansing’, forcibly resettling, incarcerating or killing Muslims, and repopulating villages with Serbs. The UN imposed sanctions on the Serbian regime, but atrocities continued on both sides.

In 1995, Bosnian-Serb troops captured UN protected areas, and Western governments and NATO launched air strikes against Serb targets. Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia began a new offensive against Serbia and reclaimed much lost territory. The US-brokered Dayton Peace Accord (November 1995) divided Bosnia-Herzegovina into provinces. Following peaceful, mass demonstrations in Belgrade, Milošević was forced to concede some of the Zajedno coalition victories in 1996 elections in Serbia. In 1997, Milošević resigned the Serbian presidency in order to become president of Yugoslavia. Fighting recommenced in Kosovo in 1998, and hundreds of thousands of Kosovars fled into neighbouring countries, mainly Albania and Macedonia, to escape ‘ethnic cleansing’. In 1999, NATO launched a wave of air strikes against Serbia, devastating its economy. In June 1999, the Yugoslav Army withdrew from Kosovo and a United Nations' peace-keeping force (K-FOR) deployed in the province. In 2000 elections, Vojislav Koštunica replaced Milošević as president of Yugoslavia. In 2001, Milošević was arrested on charges of corruption and abuses of power and faced the International War Crimes Tribunal. In 2003, prime minister Zoran Djindjić was assassinated.

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Serbia

SERBIA

SERBIA. SeeYugoslavia, Relations with .

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Serbia

SerbiaGambia, ZambiaArabia, labia, SwabiaLibya, Namibia, tibia •euphorbia •agoraphobia, claustrophobia, homophobia, hydrophobia, phobia, technophobia, xenophobia, Zenobia •Nubia • rootbeer • cumbia •Colombia, Columbia •exurbia, Serbia, suburbia •Wiltshire • Flintshire •gaillardia, Nadia, tachycardia •steadier • compendia •Acadia, Arcadia, nadir, stadia •reindeer •acedia, encyclopedia, media, multimedia •Lydia, Numidia •India • belvedere • Claudia •Cambodia, odea, plasmodia, podia, roe-deer •Mafia, raffia, tafia •Philadelphia • hemisphere •planisphere • Montgolfier • Sofia •ecosphere • biosphere • atmosphere •thermosphere • ionosphere •stratosphere • headgear • switchgear •logia • nemesia • menhir

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Serbia

Serbia (sûr´bēə), Serbian Srbija (sŭr´bēä), officially Republic of Serbia, republic (1995 est. pop. 10,394,000), 34,116 sq mi (88,361 sq km), W central Balkan Peninsula; formerly the chief constituent republic of Yugoslavia and of its short-lived successor, Serbia and Montenegro. It is bounded in the northwest by Croatia, in the north by Hungary, in the northeast by Romania, in the east by Bulgaria, in the south by Macedonia, in the southwest by Kosovo (a former Serbian province whose independence is not recognized by Serbia) and in the west by Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Belgrade is the capital.

Land and People

Landlocked and largely mountainous in the west and south, Serbia lies within several mountain systems: the Dinaric Alps in the west, the Kopaonik range in the southwest, and the Balkan Mts. in the east. Much of Serbia slopes generally north toward the Danube and Sava rivers and is drained chiefly by the Drina (which forms part of the western border), Kolubara, Morava, and Timok rivers and their tributaries. The northeast is part of the fertile Danubian plain; it is drained by the Danube, Sava, Tisa (Tisza), and Morava rivers. Politically, the country consists of Serbia proper with the cities of Belgrade, Niš, and Kragujevac and the ethnically mixed Vojvodina province with Subotica and Novi Sad. The Sanjak, or Sandžak, region, which straddles the Serbia-Montenegro border, is home to many Muslims.

The population consists primarily of Serbs, with Magyar (Hungarian), Romani (Gypsy), Bosniak, Montenegrin, and other minorities. The Serbs are very closely related to the Montenegrins and closely related to the Croats. but have been marked by different historical experiences. The Serbs also distinguish themselves culturally from the Croats through their membership in the Orthodox Eastern rather than Roman Catholic church and through the differences between Serbian and Croatian (forms of Serbo-Croatian), most obviously the use of the Cyrillic rather than the Roman alphabet.

Economy

About one third of the population is engaged in farming. Wheat, corn, sugar beets, sunflowers, hemp, and flax are the chief crops; the fertile plains of Vojvodina are the most productive agricultural areas. Serbia proper has extensive vineyards and is one of Europe's major regions for fruit growing (notably plums). Manufacturing is the largest contributor to the economy; products include furniture, machinery, chemicals, tires, and clothing, and food processing also is important. Serbia's mineral wealth includes oil and natural gas, coal, iron ore, copper, and zinc. The political turmoil of the 1990s (see under History) greatly exacerbated Serbia's already severe economic problems. Exports include iron, steel, and other metals, clothing, wheat, and fruits and vegetables. Serbia's main trading partners include the European Union nations, especially Germany, Italy, Hungary, Slovenia, and Austria, as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro.

Government

Serbia is governed under the constitution of 2006. The president, who is the head of state, is popularly elected for a five-year term and is eligible for a second term. The government is headed by the prime minister, who is elected by the National Assembly. Members of the 250-seat, unicameral National Assembly are popularly elected to serve four-year terms. Administratively, Serbia is divided into 161 municipalities.

History

Consolidation of a People

Serbs settled in the Balkan Peninsula in the 6th and 7th cent. and accepted Christianity in the 9th cent. Their petty principalities were theoretically under a grand zhupan, who usually recognized Byzantine suzerainty. Civil strife and constant warfare with their Bulgarian, Greek, and Magyar neighbors characterized the early history of the Serbs. Rascia, the first organized Serbian state, was probably founded in the early 9th cent. in the Bosnian mountains; it steadily expanded from the 10th cent. Bulgaria, meanwhile, challenged Byzantium for suzerainty over the Serbs.

Stephen Nemanja, whom the Byzantine emperor recognized as grand zhupan of Serbia in 1159, founded a dynasty that ruled for two centuries. His son and successor assumed the title king of all Serbia in 1217 with the pope's blessing. However, the king's brother, Sava, archbishop of Serbia, succeeded in having papal influence eliminated from the kingdom; in 1219 he won recognition from the patriarch of Constantinople of an autocephalous Serbian Orthodox Church. The Serbian kingdom was at first overshadowed by the rapid rise of the Bulgarian empire under Ivan II (Ivan Asen), but under Stephen Dušan, who became king in 1331 and czar in 1346, Serbia became the most powerful empire in the Balkan Peninsula, much of which it absorbed. Its might contrasted sharply with the decadent Byzantine Empire.

Even among European states, Serbia was noted for its high economic, social, and cultural level. After Stephen's death in 1355, however, the empire decayed and fell victim to the onslaught of the Ottoman Turks. The Serbs suffered defeat at the Maritsa River in 1371; that same year the last czar, Stephen Urosh V, died without male issue. His successor, Lazar, contented himself with the title prince of Serbia. Lazar was slain in 1389 during the battle of Kosovo Field, in which the cream of Serbian nobility was massacred and the fate of independent Serbia sealed. For Serbs, Kosovo retains its symbolic significance, which contributed to Serbia's opposition in the late 20th cent. to Kosovo's separatist movement.

Lazar's son, Stephen, was allowed to rule (1389–1427) over a diminished and divided Serbia by Sultan Beyazid I, to whom he paid tribute. Although he and his successor, George Brankovich (reigned 1427–56), received the title despots (lords) from the Byzantine Empire, the Turks gradually absorbed their lands. The quarrel over the Brankovich succession facilitated the complete annexation of Serbia by Sultan Muhammad II in 1459. Belgrade, then held by Hungary, fell to the Turks in 1521. During the centuries-long Turkish occupation of Serbia, national traditions and the memory of the Dušan's empire were preserved by the Serbian Orthodox Church.

Turkish Rule

Serbia became a Turkish province, with its pashas residing at Belgrade. Turkish rule in Serbia was more oppressive than in most Turkish provinces. The Serbian nobility was annihilated and its lands distributed to the Turkish military aristocracy, while the Christian peasants (rayas) were treated like virtual slaves. Although the Serbs were forbidden to possess weapons, frequent insurrections erupted. No attempt was made to curb Christianity; but the Serbian Church was placed in the hands of unpopular Greek Phanariots (see under Phanar). Many Serbs fled to Hungary and Austria to help those countries fight the sultans. Turkish reverses in 17th- and 18th-century wars against Austria and Russia revived Serbian hopes for independence.

The liberation struggle began in 1804, when Karageorge ( "Black George," Serbian Karadjordje) led a rebellion that eventually freed the pashalik (province) of Belgrade from the Turks. Russia, also at war with Turkey, then formed an alliance with Serbia. The Treaty of Bucharest (1812) forced Turkish recognition of Serbian autonomy, but Russian preoccupation with Napoleon's invasion allowed the Turks to renew their tyranny in Serbia. A revolt flared in 1815 under Miloš Obrenović, who in 1817 procured the assassination of his rival Karageorge and became prince of Serbia. Turkey proved unable to challenge his power. In 1829, Russia forced the Treaty of Adrianople upon the sultan, who had to grant Serbian autonomy under Russian protection and to recognize Miloš as hereditary prince. Except for garrisons in Belgrade and other fortresses, the Turks evacuated Serbia.

Restoration of Serbia

Much of Serbia's ensuing history revolved around the bloody feud between the Karadjordjević and Obrenović families. Miloš's absolutist tendencies caused popular resentment and forced his abdication in 1839; his son, Michael, shared the same fate. In 1842, Alexander Karadjordjević was recalled to the throne. The Congress of Paris, meeting in 1856 at the conclusion of the Crimean War, placed Serbia under the collective guarantee of the European powers while continuing to acknowledge Turkish suzerainty.

Miloš returned to power in 1858 at the behest of the Serbian parliament, but died two years later. Miloš's son Michael returned to the throne in 1860. In 1867 the last Turkish troops left Serbia. Upon the assassination of Michael (1868), his cousin, Prince Milan Obrenović, succeeded.

Milan liberalized the constitution in 1869, granting more power to the Skupchtina (lower house of Parliament). He also supported the rebellion of Bosnia and Herzegovina against Turkish rule and in 1876 declared war on Turkey. The rout of the Serbs led Russia to enter the war on the Serbian side. The Congress of Berlin (1878) recognized Serbia's complete independence and increased its territory. The placing of Bosnia and Herzegovina under Austro-Hungarian administration disappointed the Serbs, however.

Serbia's championship of Pan-Slavism in the Balkans engendered bitter rivalry with Bulgaria and Austria-Hungary. Milan, who was proclaimed king in 1882, harmed Serbian prestige by fighting an unsuccessful war with Bulgaria in 1885 over the question of Eastern Rumelia. The assassinations of King Alexander Obrenović (reigned 1889–1903) and his unpopular queen marked the end of the Obrenović dynasty.

With the accession of Peter I in 1903, the Karadjordjević dynasty entrenched itself. Peter restored the liberal constitution of 1889 and in 1904 appointed as premier Nikola Pašić, leader of the strongly nationalist and pro-Russian Radical party. The strengthening of parliamentary government and expansion of the economy greatly raised Serbia's prestige and exerted a powerful attraction on the South Slavs who remained under Austro-Hungarian rule. Austria-Hungary's annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908 was designed to quell sentiment in that region for union with Serbia. The angry Serbs retaliated by creating a Balkan League (Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria, and Greece) to liberate the Balkan Slavs from both Austro-Hungarian and Turkish rule.

In 1912 the league declared war on and defeated Turkey, but the allies could not agree on division of the spoils. Dissatisfied with its failure to secure a major portion of Macedonia in the first of the Balkan Wars, Serbia in 1913 turned against and defeated its former Bulgarian ally in the Second Balkan War. Serbia's victory made it the foremost Slavic power in the Balkans but greatly increased tensions with Austria-Hungary. When a Serbian nationalist (acting without governmental collusion) assassinated Austrian archduke Francis Ferdinand in 1914, the empire declared war on Serbia, thus precipitating World War I.

The Serbian army fought bravely, but in 1915, when Bulgaria joined the Central Powers and Germany reinforced the Austrians, Serbia was overrun. The Serbian troops and government were evacuated to Kérkira (Corfu), where in 1917 Serbian, Croatian, Slovenian, and Montenegrin representatives proclaimed the union of South Slavs. In 1918 the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, headed by Peter I of Serbia, officially came into existence. After that, the history of Serbia is essentially that of Yugoslavia.

Serbia within Yugoslavia

Serbia's predominant position in the new kingdom was a major cause for unrest in Croatia and Macedonia in the period between World Wars I and II. After the conquest and dismemberment of Yugoslavia in World War II, German occupation forces set up a puppet government in a much-diminished Serbia. The Serbs waged guerrilla warfare under the leadership of Draža Mihajlović. Later, Marshal Tito and his pro-Communist partisans attracted the majority of the Yugoslav resistance fighters, while Mihajlović's following became mostly restricted to the Serbian nationalists. The Yugoslav constitution of 1946 stripped Serbia of Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro, which became constituent republics. In the postwar years, Serbia had one of the more conservative Yugoslav Communist governments. The desire of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo for independence or for union with Albania resulted in periodic unrest.

In 1986, Slobodan Milošević became leader of the Serbian Communist party. He and his supporters revived the vision of a "Greater Serbia," comprising Serbia proper, Vojvodina, Kosovo, and the Serb-populated parts of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Beginning in 1989, Serbia ended Kosovo's autonomy, which had been granted in the 1974 constitution, and sent in troops to suppress the protests of Kosovo's Albanian majority.

In May, 1991, Serbia blocked the ascension of Croatian leader Stipe Mesić to the head of the collective presidency, triggering the breakaway of Slovenia and Croatia and the end of the old Yugoslavia. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, established in 1992 by Serbia and Montenegro, was thoroughly dominated by Serbia, a situation that led by the end of the decade to a strong movement in Montenegro for increased autonomy or independence.

Serbia was the main supplier of arms to ethnic Serbs fighting to expand their control of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In response, the United Nations imposed economic sanctions on Yugoslavia, which were eased in Sept., 1994, after Yugoslavia announced it was cutting off aid to the Bosnian Serbs, and in late 1995 Serbia signed a peace accord with Bosnia and Croatia. Milan Milutinović was elected president of Serbia in 1997, but most power remained in the hands of Milošević, who became president of Yugoslavia (1997–2000). In Mar., 1999, following the continued repression of ethnic Albanians in the province and the breakdown of negotiations between Albanian Kosovars and Serbia, NATO began bombing military and other targets in Serbia as hundreds of thousands of ethnic Albanians were forcibly deported from Kosovo. In June, Milošević agreed to withdraw his forces, and NATO peacekeepers entered the province.

The Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) won early parliamentary elections held (Dec., 2000) after Milošević lost the Yugoslavian presidency to Vojislav Koštunica, and formed the first noncommunist, nonsocialist government in Serbia in 55 years. Zoran Djindjić became prime minister. The DOS pledged to create a market economy and to dismantle the authoritarian state Milošević had established, and subsequently (2001) turned the former president over to the UN war crimes tribunal at the Hague.

Relations between Djindjić and Yugoslavian president Koštunica became increasingly strained, with the prime minister more concerned about improving the economy and relations with Western Europe than preserving the Yugoslavian federation, which had become strained as Montenegro demands for greater autonomy turned increasingly into demands for independence. However, in Mar., 2002, a pact designed to preserve the federation was signed by Serbian and Montenegrin representatives. The pact, which was approved by the federal and republics' parliaments, gave both republics greater autonomy while maintaining a shared foreign and defense policy. The federation officially became the "state union" of Serbia and Montenegro in Feb., 2003.

Three elections for Serbian president in late 2002 resulted in a victory for but failed to produce a sufficient turnout to be valid under the constitution; Nataša Mićić was appointed acting president. Djindjić was assassinated in Mar., 2003, and Serbian officials accused a criminal gang of responsibilty. The assassination resulted in extensive arrests of governmental, security, and criminal figures associated with organized crime and the former Milošević regime, and 12 men were convicted of involvement in 2007. Zoran Živkovic was elected as Djindjić's successor.

A fourth attempt to elect a president failed, as the Nov., 2003, balloting again did not draw a sufficient number of voters. The parliamentary elections the following month resulted in a plurality for the the Serbian Radical party, an ultranationalist opposition party. Three pro-reform parties, however, formed a minority government in Mar., 2004, with the support (but not participation) of the Socialist party, and Koštunica became prime minister. That same month Kosovo erupted in anti-Serb violence that appeared designed to drive Serbs from mixed areas. Koštunica called, as he had before, for the partition of province into Albanian and Serb cantons. The United Nations and Albanian Kosovars rejected that solution, but Serbia remains opposed to complete independece for Kosovo, and the ultimate status of Kosovo is unresolved.

In June, 2004, Boris Tadić, a pro-Western reformer and the Democratic party candidate, won the presidency after a runoff, defeating Tomislav Nikolić, the Serbian Radical candidate and front-runner in the first round. When Montenegro finally held a referendum on declaring independence in May, 2006, Montenegrins approved the move, and the following month Montenegro declared its independence from the union of Serbia and Montenegro. Two days later, on June 5, Serbia proclaimed itself a sovereign state and the legal heir of the defunct union. The action marked the complete, if prolonged, dissolution of the former Yugoslavia into the constituent republics that had been established after World War II. In Oct., 2006, one of the parties in Koštunica's coalition withdrew, forcing new elections in Jan., 2007. In November Serbia adopted a new constitution; one of its articles proclaimed Kosovo an inalienable part of Serbia.

In 2007 the International Court of Justice (ICJ), in a case filed by Bosnia that originated in 1993, found that Serbia had violated international law when it failed to prevent genocide against Bosnian Muslims and then failed to prosecute those responsible for it. The ICJ did not, however, find Serbia guilty of genocide, as Bosnia had charged. Such a finding would have required proving intent on the part of Serbia's leaders, and the ICJ had limited access to internal Serbian and Yugoslavian government evidence.

The Jan., 2007, parliamentary elections were inconclusive, with the strongly nationalist Radicals placing first, the president's party second, and the prime minister's third; no party won as much as 30% of the vote. A coalition between the president's and prime minister's parties seemed most feasible, but Koštunica's insistence that a coalition government take a hard line on Kosovo's independence stymied negotiations until mid-May, when the two parties agreed on coalition with two smaller parties. Koštunica remained prime minister, but divisions in the coalition have since threatened the government's stability. In Mar., 2007, UN envoy Martti Ahtisaari, unable to reach a compromise with Serbia and Kosovo, presented a plan for Kosovo's eventual independence to the UN Security Council, but Russia insisted on a solution acceptable to both Kosovo and Serbia, and the year ended without a resolution to the issue.

Tadić was reelected in Feb., 2008. Shortly thereafter, Kosovo declared its independence, an act that Serbia refused to recognize. (In 2010 the International Court of Justice ruled, in a case brought by Serbia, that international law did not prohibit a unilateral declaration of independence.) Tensions in the government over joining the EU, many of whose members had recognized Kosovo, led Koštunica (who objected to proceeding with EU membership) to resign.

New elections were called for May, 2008. In early May a stabilization and association agreement with the EU—a first step toward EU membership—was signed, and in the subsequent elections Tadić's Democratic party placed first. After negotiations the party formed a government (July) with the Socialists, who favored entering the EU, and several other parties; Democrat Mirko Cvetković became prime minister.

One apparent effect of the new government's installation was the arrest (July) in Serbia of Radovan Karadžić, the former Bosnian Serb leader wanted on war crimes charges, and his extradition to The Hague. The EU, however, did not begin the ratification process for the agreement until June, 2010, over concerns about Serbian cooperation with the war crimes tribunal; in 2011, Ratko Mladić, the former Bosnian Serb commander, and then Goran Hadžić, a former Croatian Serb general and political leader, were also arrested and extradited. In Mar., 2010, the Serbian parliament condemned the 1995 massacre of Bosnian Muslims at Srebrenica, Bosnia, and apologized for failing to prevent it from happening.

In Feb., 2012, Serbia agreed to allow Kosovo to participate in W Balkan regional meetings and to joint management with Kosovo of their common border. That agreement led in March to the European Union granting Serbia candidate status for negotiations on EU admission, but conflicting interpretations of the agreement subsequently stymied the joint attendance of Serbia and Kosovo at regional meetings. EU-mediated talks aimed at normalizing Serbia-Kosovo relations occurred in 2012–13; in Apr., 2013, an agreement was signed that was intended to integrate the Serb-dominated regions of N Kosovo into Kosovo's jurisdiction. The agreement led to formal talks concerning Serbia's admission to the EU beginning in 2014.

President Tadić resigned in Apr., 2012, in order to have the presidential election coincide with the May parliamentary elections; the resignation was intended to aid his party's chances of success. Slavica Djukić Dejanović, the parliament speaker, became acting president. The parliamentary elections were narrowly won by the Serbian Progressive party, and in a subsequent runoff election for the presidency, Tomislav Nikolić, the Serbian Progressive candidate, defeated Tadić. A coalition consisting of the Progressives, Socialists, and smaller parties formed a government in July, with Socialist Ivica Dačić as prime minister. In Sept., 2013, the government was reshuffled; the new cabinet consisted of Progressives and Socialists only. In snap elections called for Mar., 2014, the Progressives secured a landslide victory, winning nearly two thirds of the seats. They subsequently formed a five-party coalition government headed by Aleksandar Vučić, leader of the Progressive party.

Bibliography

See L. S. Stavrianos, The Balkans since 1453 (1958); H. W. Temperly, History of Serbia (1917, repr. 1970); S. K. Pavlowitch, The Albanian Problem in Yugoslavia (1982); L. Lydall, Yugoslavia in Crisis (1989); M. Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian (1998).

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Serbia

Serbia

PROFILE
PEOPLE AND HISTORY
GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS
DEFENSE
ECONOMY
FOREIGN RELATIONS
U.S.-SERBIA RELATIONS
TRAVEL

Compiled from the July 2007 Background Note and supplemented with additional information from the State Department and the editors of this volume. See the introduction to this set for explanatory notes.

Official Name:

Republic of Serbia

Editor's Note: Kosovo declared independence from Serbia on February 17, 2008. Please see the entry for Kosovo for further information.

PROFILE

Geography

Area: Serbia (88,412 sq. km.) is slightly smaller than Maine.

Cities: Capital—Belgrade. Other cities—Pancevo, Novi Pazar, Uzice, Novi Sad, Subotica, Bor, Nis.

Terrain: Varied; in the north, rich fertile plains; in the east, limestone ranges and basins; in the southeast, mountains and hills.

Climate: In the north, continental climate (cold winter and hot, humid summers with well-distributed rain-fall); central portion, continental and Mediterranean climate; to the south, hot, dry summers and autumns and relatively cold winters with heavy snowfall inland.

People (2004 est.)

Nationality: Noun—Serb(s); adjective—Serbian.

Population: (2002 Republic census) Serbia (not including Kosovo) 7,478,820.

Population growth rate: -3.5%.

Ethnic groups: (2002 population census, without Kosovo) Serbian 83%, Hungarian 4%, Bosnian 2%, Albanian 1%, Montenegrin 1%, other 9%.

Religions: (2002 population census, without Kosovo) Orthodox 85%, Roman Catholic 5.5%, Muslim 3%, Protestant 1%, other 5.5%.

Languages: Serbian 88%, Hungarian 3.8%, Bosnian 2%, Albanian 1%, others 5%.

Health: Infant mortality rate—8.1 deaths/1,000. Life expectancy—males 72.44 yrs., female 77.86 yrs.

Government

Type: Republic.

Constitution: Adopted in an October 28-29, 2006 referendum.

Independence: April 11, 1992 (Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (F.R.Y.) formed as self-proclaimed successor to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia). On February 4, 2003, the F.R.Y. parliament adopted a new Constitutional Charter establishing the state union of Serbia and Montenegro. On May 21, 2006, the Republic of Montenegro held a successful referendum on independence and after Montenegro's declaration of independence on June 3, the parliament of Serbia stated that the Republic of Serbia was the continuity of the state union, rendering the two republics independent and sovereign countries.

Government branches: Executive—president (chief of state); prime minister (head of government), Council of Ministers (cabinet). Legislative—Parliament. Judicial—Federal Court (Savezni Sud) and Constitutional Court.

Political parties: Alliance of Vojvo-dina Hungarians (SVM), Christian Democratic Party of Serbia (DHSS), Civic Alliance of Serbia (GSS), Democratic Alternative (DA), Democratic Center (DC), Democratic Community of Vojvodina Hungarians (DZVM), Democratic Party (DS), Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), Force of Serbia (PSS), G-17 Plus (G17), League for Sumadija (LS), League of Social Democrats of Vojvodina (LSV), Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), List for Sandzak, New Serbia (NS), Reformist Democratic Party of Vojvodina (LSV), Serbian Radical Party (SRS), Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO), Social Democrat Party (SDP), Socialist Democratic Union (SDU), Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS—former Communist Party), Yugoslav United Left (JUL).

Suffrage: 16 years of age if employed; universal at 18.

Economy (excluding Kosovo)

GDP: (2006) $19.9 billion.

GDP growth rate: (2006) 5.8%.

GDP per capita: (2006) $3,382.

Inflation rate: (2006) 6.6%.

Natural resources: Coal, petroleum, natural gas, antimony, copper, lead, zinc, timber, bauxite, gold, silver, navigable rivers.

Agriculture: 12% of GDP.

Industry: 20% of GDP.

Services: 68% of GDP.

Trade: (2006 est.) Exports—$6.4 billion. Major markets—Italy, Germany, Bosnia. Imports—$13.2 billion. Major suppliers—Germany, Italy, Russia.

PEOPLE AND HISTORY

Serbia

The Serbian state as known today was created in 1170 A.D. by Stefan Nemanja, the founder of the Neman-jic dynasty. Serbia's religious foundation came several years later when Stefan's son, canonized as St. Sava, became the first archbishop of a newly autocephalous Serbian Orthodox Church (1219). Thus, at this time, the Serbs enjoyed both temporal and religious independence. After a series of successions, Serbia fell under the rule of King Milutin, who improved Serbia's position among other European countries. Milutin also was responsible for many of the brightest examples of Medieval Serbian architecture. Moreover, Serbia began to expand under Milutin's reign, seizing territory in nearby Macedonia from the Byzantines. Under Milutin's son, Stefan Dusan (1331-55), the Neman-jic dynasty reached its peak, ruling from the Danube to central Greece. However, Serbian power waned after Stefan's death in 1355, and in the Battle of Kosovo (June 15, 1389) the Serbs were catastrophically defeated by the Turks. By 1459, the Turks exerted complete control over all Serb lands.

For more than 3 centuries—nearly 370 years—the Serbs lived under the yoke of the Ottoman sultans. As a result of this oppression, Serbs began to migrate out of their native land (present-day Kosovo and southern Serbia) into other areas within the Balkan Peninsula, including what is now Vojvodina and Croatia. When the Austrian Hapsburg armies pushed the Ottoman Turks south of the Danube in 1699, many Serbs were “liberated,” but their native land was still under Ottoman rule.

Movements for Serbian independence began more than 100 years later with uprisings under the Serbian patriots Karageorge (1804-13) and Milos Obrenovic (1815-17). After the Russo-Turkish War of 1828-29, Serbia became an internationally recognized principality under Turkish suzerainty and Russian protection, and the state expanded steadily southward. After an insurrection in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1875, Serbia and Montenegro went to war against Turkey in 1876-78 in support of the Bosnian rebels. With Russian assistance, Serbs gained more territory as well as formal independence in 1878, though Bosnia was placed under Austrian administration.

In 1908, Austria-Hungary directly annexed Bosnia, inciting the Serbs to seek the aid of Montenegro, Bulgaria, and Greece in seizing the last Otto-man-ruled lands in Europe. In the ensuing Balkan Wars of 1912-13, Serbia obtained northern and central Macedonia, but Austria compelled it to yield Albanian lands that would have given it access to the sea. Serb animosity against the Habsburgs reached a climax on June 28, 1914, when the Austrian archduke Franz Ferdinand was assassinated in Sarajevo by a Bosnian Serb, Gavrilo Princip, setting off a series of diplomatic and military initiatives among the great powers that culminated in World War I.

Soon after the war began, Austro-Hungarian and Bulgarian forces occupied Serbia. Upon the collapse of Austria-Hungary at the war's end in 1918, Vojvodina and Montenegro united with Serbia, and former south Slav subjects of the Habsburgs sought the protection of the Serbian crown within a kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Serbia was the dominant partner in this state, which in 1929 adopted the name Yugoslavia.

The kingdom soon encountered resistance when Croatians began to resent control from Belgrade. This pressure prompted King Alexander I to split the traditional regions into nine administrative provinces. During World War II, Yugoslavia was divided between the Axis powers and their allies. Royal army soldiers, calling themselves Cetnici (Chetniks), formed a Serbian resistance movement, but a more determined communist resistance under the Partisans, with Soviet and Anglo-American help, liberated all of Yugoslavia by 1944. In an effort to avoid Serbian domination during the postwar years, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, and Montenegro were given separate and equal republican status within the new socialist federation of Yugoslavia; Kosovo and Vojvodina were made autonomous provinces within Yugoslavia.

Despite the attempts at a federal system of government for Yugoslavia, Serbian communists played the leading role in Yugoslavia's political life for the next 4 decades. As the Germans were defeated at the end of World War II, Josip Broz Tito, a former Bolshevik and committed communist, began to garner support from both within Yugoslavia as well as from the Allies. Yugoslavia remained independent of the U.S.S.R., as Tito broke with Stalin and asserted Yugoslav independence. Tito went on to control Yugoslavia for 35 years. Under communist rule, Serbia was transformed from an agrarian to an industrial society. In the 1980s, however, Yugoslavia's economy began to fail. With the death of Tito in 1980, separatist and nationalist tensions emerged in Yugoslavia.

In 1989, riding a wave of nationalist sentiment, Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic reimposed direct rule over the autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina, prompting Albanians in Kosovo to agitate for separation from the Republic of Serbia. Between 1991 and 1992, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia all seceded from Yugoslavia. On April 27, 1992 in Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro joined in passing the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In March 2002, the Belgrade Agreement was signed by the heads of the federal and republican governments, setting forth the parameters for a redefinition of Montenegro's relationship with Serbia

within a joint state. On February 4, 2003, the F.R.Y. parliament ratified the Constitutional Charter, establishing a new state union and changing the name of the country from Yugoslavia to Serbia and Montenegro.

On May 21, 2006, the Republic of Montenegro held a successful referendum on independence and declared independence on June 3. Thereafter, the parliament of Serbia stated that the Republic of Serbia was the continuity of the state union, changing the name of the country from Serbia and Montenegro to the Republic of Serbia, with Serbia retaining Serbia and Montenegro's membership in all international organizations and bodies.

Kosovo

Before the conflicts of the 1990s, Kosovo was best known as the site of a famous 14th-century battle in which invading Ottoman Turks defeated a Serbian army led by Tsar Lazar. During this medieval period, Kosovo also was home to many important Serb religious sites, including many architecturally significant Serbian Orthodox monasteries. The Ottomans ruled Kosovo for more than four centuries, until Serbia reconquered the territory during the First Balkans War in 1912-13. First partitioned in 1913 between Serbia and Montenegro, Kosovo was then incorporated into the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (later named Yugoslavia) after World War I. During World War II, parts of Kosovo were absorbed into Italian-occupied Albania. After the Italian capitulation, Nazi Germany assumed control until Tito's Yugoslav communists reentered Kosovo at the end of the war.

After World War II, Kosovo became a province of Serbia in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The 1974 Yugoslav Constitution gave Kosovo (along with Vojvodina) the status of an autonomous province with nearly equal voting rights as the six constituent Republics of Yugoslavia. Although the Albanian-majority province enjoyed significant autonomy, riots broke out in 1981 led by Kosovar Albanians who demanded that Kosovo be granted full Republic status.

In the late 1980s, Slobodan Milosevic propelled himself to power in Belgrade by exploiting the fears of the small Serbian minority in Kosovo. In 1989, he arranged the elimination of Kosovo's autonomy in favor of more direct rule from Belgrade. Belgrade ordered the firing of large numbers of Albanian state employees, whose jobs were then taken by Serbs.

As a result of this oppression, Kosovo Albanian leaders led a peaceful resistance movement in the early 1990s and established a parallel government funded mainly by the Albanian diaspora. When this movement failed to yield results, an armed resistance emerged in 1997 in the form of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). The KLA's main goal was to secure the independence of Kosovo.

In late 1998, Milosevic unleashed a brutal police and military campaign against the separatist KLA, which included atrocities against civilian noncombatants. For the duration of Milosevic's campaign, large numbers of ethnic Albanians were either dis-placed from their homes in Kosovo or killed by Serbian troops or police. These acts, and Serbia's refusal to sign the Rambouillet Accords, provoked a military response from NATO, which consisted primarily of aerial bombing. The campaign continued from March through June 1999. After 79 days of bombing, Milosevic capitulated and international forces, led by NATO, moved into Kosovo. The international security presence, which is known as Kosovo Force (KFOR), works closely with the UN Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) to ensure protection for all of Kosovo's communities.

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS

Republic of Serbia

Even as opposition to his regime grew in the late 1990s, Yugoslav President Milosevic continued to dominate the organs of the F.R.Y. Government. Although his political party, the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), did not enjoy a majority in either the federal or Serbian parliaments, it dominated the governing coalitions and held all the key administrative posts. An essential element of Milosevic's grasp on power was his control of the Serbian police, a heavily armed force of some 100,000 that was responsible for internal security and which committed serious human rights abuses. Routine federal elections in September 2000 resulted in a narrow official victory for Milosevic and his coalition. Immediately, street protests and rallies filled cities across the country as Serbs rallied around Vojislav Kostunica, the recently formed Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS, a broad coalition of anti-Milosevic parties) candidate for F.R.Y. president. Cries of fraud and calls for Milosevic's removal echoed across city squares from Subotica to Nis.

On October 5, 2000, Slobodan Milosevic was forced to concede defeat after days of mass protests all across Serbia. New F.R.Y. President Vojislav Kostunica was soon joined at the top of the domestic Serbian political scene by the Democratic Party's (DS) Zoran Djindjic, who was elected Prime Minister of Serbia at the head of the DOS ticket in December's republican elections. After an initial honeymoon period in the wake of October 5, DSS and the rest of DOS, led by Djindjic and his DS, found themselves increasingly at odds over the nature and pace of the governments' reform programs. Although initial reform efforts were highly successful, especially in the economic and fiscal sectors, by the middle of 2002, the nationalist Kostunica and the pragmatic Djindjic were openly at odds. Kostunica's party, having informally withdrawn from all DOS decision making bodies, was agitating for early elections to the Serbian parliament in an effort to force Djindjic from the scene.

After the initial euphoria of replacing Milosevic's autocratic regime, the Serbian population, in reaction to this political maneuvering, slid into apathy and disillusionment with its leading politicians by mid-2002. This political stalemate continued for much of 2002, and reform initiatives stalled. Two rounds of elections for the republic presidency in late 2002 failed because of insufficient voter turnout (Serbian law required participation by more than 50% of registered voters).

On March 12, 2003, Serbian Prime Minister Djindjic was assassinated. The Serbian Government and the newly formed union government of Serbia and Montenegro reacted swiftly by calling a state of emergency and undertaking an unprecedented crackdown on organized crime which led to the arrest of more than 4,000 people. Zoran Zivkovic, a vice-president of Djindjic's DS party, was elected Prime Minister in March 2003. A series of scandals plagued the Zivkovic government through the second half of 2003, ultimately leading the Prime Minister to call early elections.

Following the December 2003 parliamentary elections, a new minority government was formed with the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), G17+, and the Serbian Renewal Movement/New Serbia (SPO/NS) coalition and the tacit support of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) and former F.R.Y. president Vojislav Kostunica was named Prime Minister. On June 27, 2004 after changes to the election law to allow for a valid election with turnout of less than 50% of registered voters, Boris Tadic (DS) defeated Radical Party candidate Tomislav Nikolic by a slim margin and was elected President of Serbia. President Tadic's Democratic Party (DS) did not join the governing coalition but has been working with Serbia's democratic forces to advance the reform agenda.

Following the adoption of a new Constitution in October 2006, Serbia held parliamentary elections on January 21, 2007.

After the elections, a new government was formed with a coalition of Democratic Party (DS), the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), and the G17+. Prime Minister Kostunica was chosen to continue in his position.

Kosovo (under UN administration)

While legally still part of Serbia, Kosovo remains an international protectorate of the United Nations as outlined in UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1244, which was passed June 10, 1999. Under UNSCR 1244, UNMIK assumes the supreme legal authority in Kosovo, while working to create “substantial autonomy and self-governance” in Kosovo. The senior international official in Kosovo is the Special Representative of the Secretary General (SRSG), who has sweeping legal authority to govern Kosovo. He presides over UN and other international organizations with missions in Kosovo, such as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and European Union (EU), and has the final authority in approving legislation and decisions taken by Kosovo's provisional government. In September 2006, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan appointed German diplomat Joachim Ruecker to be the new SRSG. Previously, Ruecker served as the head of UNMIK Pillar IV, where he led efforts to privatize former socially-owned enterprises.

Resolution 1244 also authorizes a NATO-led force (KFOR) to provide for a safe and secure environment in Kosovo. KFOR's current strength is approximately 16,000 international troops, including approximately 1,700 U.S. troops (mostly U.S. National Guard). KFOR numbers are expected to steadily decline as the security situation improves and as local security structures, such as the Kosovo Police Service, increase their capacity to operate effectively.

In 2001, the SRSG promulgated a “Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self-Government in Kosovo.” This document established a Kosovo Assembly and new Provisional Institutions of Self-Government (PISG). In November 2001, Kosovo held its first elections for the three-year term of the Kosovo Assembly. The elections were administered and supervised by the OSCE. The main political parties included the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), led by Ibrahim Rug-ova; Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), led by former KLA political chief Hashim Thaci; the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK), led by former KLA commander Ramush Haradinaj; and the Serb coalition party Povratak. The LDK won the elections with 46% of the vote, and the PDK came in second with 26%. They were followed by Povratak at 11% and the AAK at 8%. OSCE judged the elections free and fair.

After significant political wrangling, Kosovo's politicians agreed to establish Kosovo's first coalition government in March 2002, with Bajram Rexhepi (PDK) as Prime Minister and Ibrahim Rugova (LDK) as President. The Provisional Institutions of Self-Government (PISG) were formed, with ministries allocated to the parties according to the March 2002 power-sharing agreement, and in the same year, the Kosovo Assembly began to function and pass its first laws. Beginning in 2003, UNMIK began transferring a significant number of governing competencies to these ministries and continues to work to build their capacity, in accordance with UNSCR 1244. UNMIK will retain many powers associated with state sovereignty, including foreign affairs and some security functions, until Kosovo' final status is decided. In November 2004, UNMIK approved the creation of three new PISG ministries: Energy, Returns and Communities, and Local Self-Government; new Ministers of Interior and Justice were later added and are now operational.

On October 23, 2004, Kosovo held elections for the second three-year term of the Kosovo Assembly. For the first time, Kosovo's own Central Election Commission administered these elections, under OSCE guidance. The main Albanian political parties were the same as in the 2001 elections, but for the addition of the new party ORA, led by Veton Surroi, and two new Kosovo Serb parties: the Serbian List for Kosovo and Metohia (SLKM) led by Oliver Ivanovic, and the Citizens Initiative of Serbia led by Slavisa Petkovic. The LDK won the elections with 45.4% of the vote, and the PDK came in second with 28.9%. They were followed by AAK at 8.4% and the ORA at 6.2%. Most Kosovo Serbs boycotted the elections with support from Belgrade, with less than one percent voting. However, Kosovo Serbs still received ten Assembly seats that are reserved to them as a minority community under the Constitutional Framework, but many chose not to take their seats.

In contrast to the previous Kosovo government, this election produced a “narrow” coalition of two parties, the LDK and AAK. The December 3 inaugural session of the Kosovo Assembly re-elected Ibrahim Rugova as President and Ramush Haradinaj as Prime Minister.

In March 2005, Haradinaj resigned as prime minister after he was indicted for war crimes by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY); Haradinaj voluntarily surrendered to authorities and traveled to The Hague to face charges. After being provisionally released while awaiting trial, Haradi-naj returned to The Hague where his trial is ongoing. The Kosovo Assembly subsequently elected Bajram Kosumi (AAK) as prime minister, whose resignation in March 2006 led to his replacement with Agim Ceku. After President Rugova's death in January 2006, he was replaced by Fatmir Sejdiu.

Resolution of Kosovo's future political status remains one of the key issues in the region. Kosovo Albanians continue to advocate independence, which Belgrade rejects. The Serbian Government's position is that Kosovo should remain part of Serbia as an autonomous province. In early 2002, former SRSG Michael Steiner first articulated a policy of “standards before status,” whereby Kosovo's final status would be addressed after Kosovo meets certain internationally endorsed standards for the establishment of rule of law, functioning democratic institutions, minority rights, and economic development. In 2003, the United Nations Security Council endorsed a plan to evaluate Kosovo's progress on these standards in mid-2005.

The United Nations appointed Kai Eide, Norwegian permanent representative to NATO, to conduct this evaluation in the summer of 2005. In October 2005, Eide reported uneven progress on many key Standards, but said that there was no advantage to be gained by further delaying a future status process. The United Nations Security Council endorsed Eide's recommendation, and in November 2005, United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan appointed Martti Ahtisaari, former president of Finland, to lead a future status process. A major focus of the UN-led process is the status of Kosovo's minority communities, especially the Serbs. Following three days of widespread inter-ethnic violence in March 2004, the UN, NATO, and the international community enhanced their efforts to ensure a Kosovo that is safe for all communities. Currently, Kosovo's Serb community suffers restricted freedom of movement and sporadic acts of inter-ethnic violence. After the war, more than 100,000 Serbs and other non-Albanian ethnic minorities fled Kosovo and many remain dis-placed. The international community has encouraged their return, although results have been minimal to date. The international community has also supported the decentralization of government as a measure to enhance Kosovo's governance while addressing concerns of non-Albanian communities.

In November 2005, the Contact Group (France, Germany, Italy, Russia, United Kingdom, and United States) produced a set of “Guiding Principles” for the resolution of Kosovo's future status. Some key principles included: no return to the situation prior to 1999, no changes in Kosovo's borders, and no partition or union of Kosovo with a neighboring state. The Guiding Principles also maintain that any outcome of the status process must be acceptable to the people of Kosovo. After more than a year of negotiations, which began in February 2006, the UN Secretary General presented to the UN Security Council in March 2007 his Special Envoy's Report and Comprehensive Proposal for a Kosovo Status Settlement. Based upon numerous rounds of direct talks, shuttle diplomacy and discussions with the Contact Group, the Ahti-saari recommendations called for Kosovo's independence subject to a period of international supervision, and included broad protections for Kosovo's minority communities. According to the Ahtisaari plan, Implementation of the status settlement would be monitored by a U.S./ EU-led International Civilian Office, which will include an EU rule of law mission and have limited executive powers to ensure Kosovo government actions are in line with the status settlement. NATO will remain in Kosovo to help ensure a safe and secure environment and oversee the creation and development of a small, lightly-armed Kosovo Security Force.

The United States supports the Ahti-saari plan, including its call for Kosovo's supervised independence. Working with its European partners on the UN Security Council, a draft UN Security Council resolution was introduced that would lead to Kosovo's independence in accordance with the terms of the Ahtisaari plan. The U.S. is working with its fellow Council members and the parties to resolve this issue.

Legislature

The Serbian parliament is the law-making body of the Republic of Serbia.

Principal Government Officials

Last Updated: 2/1/2008

Pres.: Boris TADIC

Prime Min.: Vojislav KOSTUNICA

Dep. Prime Min. for European Integration: Bozidar DJELIC

Min. of Agriculture: Slobodan MILOSAVLJEVIC

Min. of Culture: Vojislav BRAJOVIC

Min. of Defense: Dragan SUTANOVAC

Min. of Diaspora: Milica CUBRILO

Min. of Economy: Mladjan DINKIC

Min. of Education: Zoran LONCAR

Min. of Energy: Aleksandar POPOVIC

Min. of Environment: Sasa DRAGIN

Min. of Finance: Mirko CVETKOVIC

Min. of Foreign Affairs: Vuk JEREMIC

Min. of Health: Tomica MILOSAVLJEVIC

Min. of Infrastructure: Velimir ILIC

Min. of Interior: Dragan JOCIC

Min. of Justice: Dusan PETROVIC

Min. of Kosovo & Metohija: Slobodan SAMARDZIC

Min. of Labor & Social Affairs: Rasim LJAJIC

Min. of Religion: Radomir NAUMOV

Min. of Science: Ana PESIKAN

Min. of Sport & Youth: Snezana SAMARDZIC-MARKOVIC

Min. of State Admin. & Local Self-Govt.: Milan MARKOVIC

Min. of Telecommunications & Information Technology: Aleksandra SMILJANIC

Min. of Trade: Predrag BUBALO

Min. Without Portfolio for Coordinating the National Investment Plan: Dragan DJILAS

Ambassador to the US: Ivan VUJACIC

Permanent Representative to the UN, New York: Pavle JEVREMOVIC

Serbia maintains an embassy in the United States at 2134 Kalorama Rd., NW, Washington, DC 20008 (tel. 202-332-0333).

DEFENSE

Military branches include the Army of Serbia, which includes ground forces with internal and border troops, and air and air defense forces, and Civil Defense. Civilians fit for military service were estimated at about 2,088,595 for 2001. The 2002 estimate for military expenditures as percentage of GDP was 3.6%. The Ministry of Defense has undertaken significant reform initiatives, which if continued, will help move Serbia closer to full Euro-Atlantic integration.

ECONOMY

Serbia's economic progress since the fall of Milosevic has been substantial, with output up nearly 46% since 2000. The stable dinar, a budget surplus, and a restructured financial sector all demonstrate the success of stabilization policies. The short-term economic outlook for Serbia is positive, but enterprise restructuring and unemployment remain major challenges.

Growth in 2006 was a healthy 5.8%, but this pace slowed during the first quarter of 2007. In 2006, due to a shift in central bank policy to target inflation, the inflation rate declined to 6.6%, from 2005's 17.7%. Further decreases in inflation are expected in 2007. The increase in industrial production of 4.7% in 2006, compared to a mere 0.8% in 2005, is the highest in six years, and a welcome development after the stagnation of 2005. Industrial growth continued in 2007, averaging 4.8% during the first quarter. The current account deficit was 10.6% of GDP in 2006, with healthy export growth of more than 43%. Higher imports and consumption rates in early 2007, however, indicate that the trade gap may widen and cause the current account deficit to creep higher. Based mainly on large privatization receipts, foreign exchange reserves held by Serbia's central bank skyrocketed over 18 months to nearly U.S. $12.9 billion as of May 2007, or an amount covering about 10 months of imports. In March 2007, the National Bank of Serbia completed pre-payment of its debt to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) with a payment of $232 million, which followed a June 2006 payment of $978 million.

In 2006, Serbia recorded its best year yet with respect to foreign direct investment (FDI), but greenfield investment is still rare. A large part of the record U.S. $5.4 billion in FDI for 2006 was realized from the sale of the leading mobile telephone company to Norwegian company Telenor for Euro 1.5 billion. The Government of Serbia has also adopted a strategy for oil company NIS that calls for gradual privatization, with initial sale of a 25% stake and management control to a strategic investor. During the first two months of 2007, FDI totaled $752 million, a small increase over the same time period last year.

The privatization of the banking sector has been completed, with over 70% of assets owned by foreigners. In the last major deal, National Bank of Greece signed a deal in September 2006 to buy Vojvodjanska Banka, Serbia' sixth-largest bank by assets, for Euro 385 million.

While economic reform has been moving forward in many areas, enterprise sector reform is still halting. Over 26% of all persons employed in Serbia work for state owned enterprises or the central and local governments. Privatization of the least attractive socially-owned companies, which still employ about 235,000 workers, has been left for the very last. They still place a drag on the economy via substantial fiscal and quasi-fiscal subsidies. Even successful privatization of socially-owned enterprises often means jobs losses, and this, together with the overall lack of greenfield investment, has driven unemployment to 21%.

While economic growth in Serbia continues at a healthy clip, this indicator alone may be misleading. Serbia is still far behind its neighbors, with GDP still only 65% of the level in 1989; production volumes have reached only 45% of that recorded when Serbia was part of the Yugoslav economy. Sectors such as textiles, motor vehicles, and electronic equipment have never recovered from the depression of the 1990s.

FOREIGN RELATIONS

From the breakup of the Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia in 1989, the foreign policy of the F.R.Y. was characterized primarily by a desire to secure its political and geopolitical position and the solidarity of ethnic Serbs in the Balkan region through a strong nationalist campaign. The F.R.Y. supported and exploited the expansion of violent conflicts—in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and its own province, Kosovo—in order to advance its policies. Since October 2000, Serbia has all but eliminated its nationalist rhetoric and has worked to stabilize and strengthen its bilateral relationships with neighboring countries. In 2002, F.R.Y. resolved its longstanding border dispute with Macedonia and established full diplomatic relations with its neighbor and former adversary Croatia.

Also in 2002, the F.R.Y. Government established a commission to coordinate cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and began serving warrants for the arrest of persons indicted for war crimes who sought refuge in the country. The crackdown on organized crime following the assassination of Serbian Prime Minister Djindjic also resulted in the apprehension and transfer to The Hague of several persons indicted for war crimes.

In 2004 and 2005, a significant number of ICTY indictees surrendered to the Tribunal, but six persons indicted for war crimes—most notably Bosnian Serb General Ratko Mladic—remain at large and most are believed to be in Serbia and/or the Republika Srpska. Until they are all in The Hague, Serbia will not have met all of its ICTY obligations.

Immediately preceding the NATO bombing campaign of the F.R.Y. in spring 1999, the U.S. and most European countries severed relations with the F.R.Y., and the U.S. Embassy was closed. Since October 5, 2000, foreign embassies, including that of the U.S., have reopened, and Serbia, as the successor state to the F.R.Y., regained its seat in such international organizations as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the UN and is actively participating in International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank projects.

In 2003, Serbia was admitted to the Council of Europe. Serbia has also indicated its desire to join the EU and NATO's Partnership for Peace. Both NATO and the EU have made full ICTY cooperation a prerequisite for Serbia's increased cooperation with these organizations. Negotiations with the EU on a Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA)—the first step toward eventual accession—began after a positive feasibility study in April 2005. Despite two rounds of successful technical talks, the EU suspended talks in May 2006, citing a lack of movement by Serbia on apprehending Mladic and other indictees. In November 2006, NATO invited Serbia into Partnership for Peace, but made further progress toward NATO membership conditional on better ICTY cooperation. In June 2007, the EU resumed talks on an SAA with Serbia in the wake of improved cooperation on war crimes issues.

Foreign Aid

Prior to 1999, Belgrade received no foreign aid from the United States or western European countries. Since the fall of Milosevic in October 2000, however, European Union aid has steadily increased, and the U.S. also gives aid to Serbia, though there are congressional restrictions based on Serbia' need to meet its international obligations to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). In May 2006, Secretary Rice did not certify that Serbia was cooperating with the ICTY, suspending approximately $7 million of aid for fiscal year 2006.

U.S.-SERBIA RELATIONS

At the outset of hostilities between NATO and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the spring of 1999, the United States and the F.R.Y. severed diplomatic relations. In response to the events of October 2000, the following month the United States reestablished a diplomatic presence. The U.S. Embassy formally reopened in May 2001. The Serbia Embassy in Washington and the U.S. Embassy in Belgrade have reestablished bilateral relations and provide a full range of consular services. Serbia currently enjoys good diplomatic relations with all of its neighbors.

Principal U.S. Embassy Officials

Last Updated: 2/19/2008

BELGRADE (E) Kneza Milosa 50, 381-11-361-9344, Fax 381-11-361 -8230, Workweek: 8:30 to 5:00 GMT+1, Website: http://belgrade.usembassy.gov.

DCM OMS:Kevin Phillips
AMB OMS:Jeanne Kincaid
ECO:Troy Pederson
FCS:Cameron Werker
FM:Vacant
HRO:Terence Cunniffe
MGT:Thatcher Scharpf
AMB:Cameron Munter
CG:Carolyn Gorman
DCM:Jennifer Brush
PAO:Rian Harris
GSO:Frank Nelson
RSO:Tim Riley
AFSA:Nikolas Trendowski
AGR:Hassan Ahmed
AID:Michael Harvey
CLO:Susan McSweeney-Cappello
DAO:Ltc. Eric Von-Tersch
EEO:Jeanne Kincaid
FMO:Terence Cunniffe
IMO:Timothy Demerse
IRS:Kathy J. Beck (Resident In Paris)
ISO:Timothy Demerse
ISSO:Timothy Demerse
POL:Nancy Cohen

TRAVEL

Consular Information Sheet

September 20, 2007

Country Description: Serbia is a country that continues to undergo political changes. Following a May 21, 2006 referendum, Montenegro declared independence and the name of the country changed from Serbia and Montenegro to the Republic of Serbia, with the Republic of Montenegro now a separate state. This change has had minimal impact on foreign travelers. Tourist facilities are widely available within Serbia but vary in quality. Some facilities may not be up to western standards.

The security environment, travel situation and entry requirements for Kosovo, which is currently administered by the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), may differ from the rest of Serbia. Please see additional specific information on Kosovo that follows the information on Serbia.

Entry Requirements: U.S. citizens with tourist, official, or diplomatic passports do not require a visa for entry and stay in Serbia for up to 90 days. Individuals planning to stay longer than 90 days should obtain a visa prior to arrival. This applies to bearers of all types of U.S. passports – tourist, official, and diplomatic. To obtain a visa, travelers should contact the Serbian Embassy in Washington at telephone (202) 332-0333 or fax (202) 332-3933.

The address of the Embassy is 2134 Kalorama Road, Washington, DC 20008 and the web site is http://www.mfa.gov.yu. Alternatively, travelers may also contact the Consulate General in Chicago at telephone (312) 670-6707 or fax (312) 670-6787 or by email at [email protected] The address of the Chicago Consulate is 201 East Ohio St., Suite 200, Chicago, Illinois 60611. Travelers who obtain a new passport while in Serbia and do not have a prior passport or other evidence of their entry (for example, in cases of a lost or stolen passport or a child born in Serbia) will not be allowed to depart the country without an exit visa obtained from the Ministry of Interior. Similarly, travelers who use a different country's passport to enter than to exit (for example, entering with a Serbian passport or Serbian “National ID Card” and attempting to exit with a U.S. passport) are likely to have difficulty exiting Serbia due to the lack of an entry stamp in their passport. Note that since its independence from the Republic of Serbia in 2006, the Republic of Montenegro is a separate country with its own immigration requirements.

Travelers who enter Serbia with more than the equivalent of 5,000 euros in cash are required to declare all currency upon entry and must obtain from customs officials a declaration that must be presented at departure. Failure to comply may result in the confiscation of all funds.

Registration with Local Authorities: Visitors staying in private accommodations must register with the police station responsible for the area in which they are staying within 24 hours of arrival. Failure to comply may result in a fine, incarceration, and/or expulsion. Persons who fail to register may face difficulties in departing the country. Visitors staying in hotels or tourist facilities are automatically registered with the police by the hotel. Additional information about visa requirements and the obligation of foreigners to register their location is available from the Government of Serbia at http://www.mup.sr.gov.yu.

Safety and Security: Occasional demonstrations occur. Even demonstrations intended to be peaceful have the potential to turn into confrontational situations and possibly escalate into violence. U.S. citizens traveling or residing in Serbia should take commonsense precautions to avoid demonstrations and to be aware of heightened security and potential delays when they occur. Anti-American sentiment tends to be highest surrounding the anniversary dates of the 1999 NATO bombing campaign or during times of unusually high tension in Kosovo. In some instances, Serb victories in high profile international sporting events have triggered demonstrations. Most demonstrations have been peaceful or were marked by only low levels of violence.

There are sporadic reports of automobiles with foreign license plates being targeted for armed robbery along the administrative boundary between Serbia and Kosovo. U.S. Government employees on official business in that region travel with fully armored vehicles. In addition, travelers should be aware that the security situation in southern Serbia might change quickly. Persons contemplating travel in southern Serbia near the Kosovo boundary should register and check in with the U.S. Embassy for the latest information.

Local Belgrade nightclubs are becoming increasingly popular with foreign tourists. Patrons should be aware that these establishments can be crowded and may not comply with Western standards for occupancy control and fire safety.

For the latest security information, Americans traveling abroad should regularly monitor the Department's Internet web site, where the current Worldwide Caution Travel Alert, Travel Warnings and Travel Alerts can be found. Updated information on security can also be obtained by calling 1-888-407-4747 toll free in the U.S., or, for callers outside the U.S. and Canada, a regular toll line at 1-202-501-4444. These numbers are available from 8:00 a.m. to 8:00 p.m. Eastern Time, Monday through Friday (except U.S. federal holidays.

Crime: Street crime is at a level similar to other large European cities. Difficult economic conditions have led to the growth of an organized criminal class. Violent crime is most commonly associated with organized crime activities. While confrontational and gratuitously violent crimes rarely target tourists, Mafia-style reprisals have sometimes occurred, including in hotels, restaurants and shops. Theft and carjacking, especially of Volkswagen brand cars, four-wheel drive vehicles and luxury cars, occur at all times of day or night and in all sections of Belgrade and other parts of the country. As in other parts of the world, travelers should be especially on guard walking in city centers. In case of emergency, the police telephone number is 92.

Information for Victims of Crime: The loss or theft abroad of a U.S. passport should be reported immediately to the local police and the nearest U.S. Embassy or Consulate. If you are the victim of a crime while overseas, in addition to reporting to local police, please contact the nearest U.S. Embassy or Consulate for assistance. The Embassy or Consulate staff can, for example, assist you to find appropriate medical care, to contact family members or friends and explain how funds could be transferred. Although the investigation and prosecution of the crime is solely the responsibility of local authorities, consular officers can help you to understand the local criminal justice process and to find an attorney if needed.

Medical Facilities and Health Information: Although many physicians in Serbia are highly trained, hospitals, clinics, and ambulances are generally not equipped and maintained to Western standards. Medicines and basic medical supplies are largely obtainable in privately owned pharmacies. Hospitals require payment in cash for all services, and do not accept health insurance as compensation.

Information on vaccinations and other health precautions, such as safe food and water precautions and insect bite protection, may be obtained from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's hotline for international travelers at 1-877-FYI-TRIP (1-877-394-8747) or via the CDC's web site at http://wwwn.cdc.gov/travel. For information about out-breaks of infectious diseases abroad consult the World Health Organization's (WHO) web site at http://www.who.int/en. Further health information for travelers is available at http://www.who.int/ith/en.

Medical Insurance: The Department of State strongly urges Americans to consult with their medical insurance company prior to traveling abroad to confirm whether their policy applies overseas and whether it will cover emergency expenses such as a medical evacuation.

Traffic Safety and Road Conditions: While in a foreign country, U.S. citizens may encounter road conditions that differ significantly from those in the United States. The information below concerning Serbia is provided for general reference only, and may not be totally accurate in a particular location or circumstance.

Roads in Serbia are often poorly maintained, especially in rural areas. During winter months, fog can obscure visibility while driving. Fog can be extremely heavy in Vojvodina, the region between Belgrade and the border with Hungary.

Road tolls for foreign-registered vehicles remain high. The use of seat belts is mandatory. A driver with a blood alcohol level higher than 0.05 is considered intoxicated. Roadside assistance is available by dialing 987. Other emergency numbers are police: 92, fire department: 93, and ambulance: 94.

Metered taxi service is safe and reasonably priced, although foreigners are sometimes charged higher rates. Buses and trams are overcrowded in Belgrade and in other areas of Serbia, and are poorly maintained.

More specific information concerning Serbian driving permits, vehicle inspection, road tax and mandatory insurance in the Serbian language from Serbian Automotive Association can be found at www.amss.org.yu.

Some general information about driving conditions is available in English at the Belgrade Tourism Organization's web site at www.tob.co.yu/english/index.html.

Aviation Safety Oversight: The U.S. Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) has assessed the Government of Serbia's Civil Aviation Authority as not being in compliance with International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) aviation safety standards for oversight of Serbia's air carrier operations. For more information, travelers may visit the FAA's web site at http://www.faa.gov.

Special Circumstances: Travelers entering Serbia with more than 5,000 euros in cash are required to declare all currency upon entry and obtain from customs officials a declaration form that must be presented at departure. Failure to comply may result in the confiscation of all funds.

The U.S. Embassy has been contacted by many American citizens who have failed to comply with this requirement and consequently had thousands of dollars seized by the Government of Serbia. It is advisable to contact the Serbian Embassy in Washington for specific information regarding customs requirements.

Dual U.S./Serbian nationals need to be aware that they may be subject to laws that impose special obligations on Serbian citizens. Serbian males between the ages of 18 and 27 are required by law to perform military service. This applies to any individual whom the authorities consider to be Serbian -regardless of whether or not the individual considers himself Serbian, has a foreign citizenship and passport, or was born or lives outside of Serbia.

If remaining in Serbia for more than the 90-day period permitted for tourism or business, men of Serbian descent may be prevented from leaving until they complete their military obligations or receive a waiver. Obligatory non-voluntary military service in Serbia will not affect U.S. citizenship. Specific questions on this subject should be addressed to the citizenship section of the U.S. Embassy in Belgrade.

Criminal Penalties: While in a foreign country, a U.S. citizen is subject to that country's laws and regulations, which sometimes differ significantly from those in the United States and may not afford the protections available to the individual under U.S. law. Penalties for breaking the law can be more severe than in the United States for similar offenses. Persons violating Serbian laws, even unknowingly, may be expelled, arrested or imprisoned. Penalties for possession, use, or trafficking in illegal drugs in Serbia are strict and convicted offenders can expect jail sentences and heavy fines. Engaging in sexual conduct with children or using or disseminating child pornography in a foreign country is a crime, prosecutable in the United States.

Children's Issues: For information on international adoption of children and international parental child abduction, see the Office of Children's Issues website at http://travel.state.gov/family.

Registration and Embassy and Consulate Locations: Americans living in or traveling in Serbia are encouraged to register with the nearest U.S. Embassy of Consulate through the State Department's travel registration web site, and to obtain updated information on travel and security in Serbia. Americans without Internet access may register directly with the nearest U.S. Embassy or Consulate. By registering, American citizens make it easier for the Embassy or Consulate to contact them in case of emergency. The U.S. Embassy in Belgrade is located at 50 Kneza Milosa Street. The Embassy and consular section telephone number is 381-11-3619-344, and the same number should be used for after hour emergencies. The Consular Section fax number is 381-11-3615-989. The web site is http://belgrade.usembassy.gov.

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Serbia

Serbia

1 Location and Size

2 Topography

3 Climate

4 Plants and Animals

5 Environment

6 Population

7 Migration

8 Ethnic Groups

9 Languages

10 Religions

11 Transportation

12 History

13 Government

14 Political Parties

15 Judicial System

16 Armed Forces

17 Economy

18 Income

19 Industry

20 Labor

21 Agriculture

22 Domesticated Animals

23 Fishing

24 Forestry

25 Mining

26 Foreign Trade

27 Energy and Power

28 Social Development

29 Health

30 Housing

31 Education

32 Media

33 Tourism and Recreation

34 Famous Serbs

35 Bibliography

CAPITAL: Belgrade

FLAG: The flag is a tricolor of blue, white, and red horizontal stripes, with Serbia’s coat of arms superimposed to the left of center of the flag.

ANTHEM: Boze Pravde (God of Justice)

MONETARY UNIT: The new dinar (jd) replaced the dinar on 24 January 1994. jd1 = $0.01499 (or $1 = jd66.68973; as of 2 June 2006).

WEIGHTS AND MEASURES: The metric system is in force.

HOLIDAYS: New Year’s Day, 1 and 2 January; Orthodox Christmas, 7 January; Orthodox New Year, 13 January; Unification of Serbia, 28 March; FR Yugoslavia Day, 27 April; Labor Day, 1 May; Victory Day, 9 May; St. Vitus Day, 28 June; Serbian Uprising, 7 July.

TIME: 1 pm = noon GMT.

1 Location and Size

Serbia is located on the central part of the Balkan Peninsula. The total area is approximately 88,361 square kilometers (34,116 square miles). The entire country is about the size of Maine. The total land boundary length is 2,027 kilometers (1,259 miles). Serbia’s capital is Belgrade, located in north central Serbia.

2 Topography

Rich fertile plains are found in the Serbian north, while in the east there are limestone ranges and basins. Nearly half of Serbia is mountainous. The highest point is Daravica, in the North Albanian Alps, at 2,656 meters (8,714 feet). Of its mountains, 15 reach heights of over 2,000 meters (6,600 feet).

The Danube is the longest river. It has a total length of 2,783 kilometers (1,729 miles). About 588 kilometers (365 miles) of the Danube flow from west to east through the northern region of Serbia. The Tisa, Sava and Morava rivers are major tributaries of the Danube.

There are several fault lines running through the country which are seismically active. Earth tremors are fairly common and destructive earthquakes have occurred.

GEOGRAPHICAL PROFILE

Geographic Features

Area: 88,361 sq km (34,116 sq mi)

Size ranking: 110 of 194

Highest elevation: 2,656 meters (8,714 feet) at Daravica

Lowest elevation:

Land Use*

Arable land: n.a.

Permanent crops: n.a.

Other: n.a.

Weather**

Average annual precipitation: 70.1 centimeters (27.6 inches)

Average temperature in January: -0.2°c (31.6°f)

Average temperature in July: 22.6°c (72.7°f)

* Arable Land: Land used for temporary crops, like meadows for mowing or pasture, gardens, and greenhouses.

Permanent crops: Land cultivated with crops that occupy its use for long periods, such as cocoa, coffee, rubber, fruit and nut orchards, and vineyards.

Other: Any land not specified, including built-on areas, roads, and barren land.

** The measurements for precipitation and average temperatures were taken at weather stations closest to the country’s largest city.

Precipitation and average temperature can vary significantly within a country, due to factors such as latitude, altitude, coastal proximity, and wind patterns.

3 Climate

In the north, winters are cold and summers are hot and humid. In the central and southern regions, the climate is more continental. Annual precipitation varies across the country, from 56 to 190 centimeters (22 to 75 inches).

4 Plants and Animals

The forests of Serbia contain some 170 broadleaf species of trees and shrubs, along with about 35 coniferous species. The animals found in Serbia include types of hare, pheasant, deer, stag, wild boar, fox, chamois, mouflon, crane, duck, and goose.

5 Environment

Industrial wastes are dumped into the Sava, which flows into the Danube. Air pollution is a problem around Belgrade and other industrial cities. Thermal energy plants use technology from the 1950s and mostly burn lignite. Air pollution is a major problem in the southern region of Kosovo. Destructive earthquakes are a natural hazard.

There are four Wetlands of International Importance in Serbia and three World Heritage Sites featuring historic monasteries and other medieval structures. Threatened species include Atlantic sturgeon, slender-billed curlew, black vultures, asps, bald ibis, Danube salmon, several species of shark, the red wood ant, and the beluga whale. At least one type of mollusk has become extinct.

6 Population

The population of Serbia according to the 2002 census was 9,296,411. The capital city, Belgrade, had a population of 1,576,124 in 2002.

7 Migration

The following information on migration pertains to the union of Serbia and Montenegro based on statistics gathered prior to Montenegro’s independence in 2006. The breakup of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s and the ethnic hostilities that came in its aftermath resulted in enormous migrations to and from its various former republics. The total number of migrants in 2000 was 626,000. By the end of 2004, these numbers were still rising. In 2004, more than 204,000 Serbs and Montenegrins were refugees in Germany, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Switzerland, Canada, France, and Australia. Also, in that same year more than 29,000 Serbs and Montenegrins sought asylum in 18 countries primarily in Europe, the United Kingdom, and the United States.

In 2005 the estimated net migration rate was-1.3 migrants per 1,000 population.

8 Ethnic Groups

There are 37 different ethnicities in Serbia, but Serbs are the main ethnic group, at about 66%. Albanians, at 17%, are concentrated in the Kosovo region of southwest Serbia. Hungarians make up about 3.5% of the population and live in northern Serbia near the Hungarian border. The remaining population consists mainly of Slavic Muslims, Bulgarians, Slovaks, Macedonians, Croats, Roma, Montenegrins, Ruthenians, Romanians, Vlachs, Bunjevci, and Turks.

9 Languages

Serbian is the official language. More than 95% of the population speaks Serbian. Albanian accounts for the remaining 5%. The script in official use is Cyrillic, while the Latin script is also used. In the areas where ethnic minorities live, the languages and scripts of the minorities are in official use.

10 Religions

There is no state religion. About 78% of the total population of the union of Serbia and Montenegro prior to Montenegro’s independence in 2006 were Serbian Orthodox. Muslims accounted for 5% of the total population, Roman Catholics for 4%, and Protestants 1%. Protestant denominations include Baptists, Adventists, Reformed Christians, Evangelical Christians, Evangelical Methodists, Jehovah’s Witnesses, the Church of Christ, Mormons, and Pentecostals. There is a small Jewish community in the country. In Kosovo, Islam is the dominant religion, but the people in Kosovo of Serb descent are generally Serbian Orthodox.

11 Transportation

In 2002, Serbia had 3,619 kilometers (2,248.8 miles) of railroads. Railways connect Belgrade with Budapest and Zagreb. The Belgrade-Bar line links Serbia to Montenegro and ends at the Adriatic Sea.

In 2002, there were 42,692 kilometers (26,528.8 miles) of asphalt-paved roads in Serbia. There were 24,860 kilometers (15,448 miles) of concrete-paved roads.

The Danube, Sava, and Tisa are important commercial rivers, with ports at Belgrade, Novi Sad, Sabac, Pancevo, Smederevo, and Prahovo.

There were 43 airports in Serbia in 2004. As of 2005, half of them had paved runways, and there were also four heliports. Yugoslav Aero Transport (YAT) operates from Belgrade. In 2003, there were approximately 1.3 million passengers on scheduled domestic and international flights in the union of Serbia and Montenegro.

12 History

The Serbs, one of the large family of Slavic nations, first began settling in the Balkans around the 7th century in the areas now known as Bosnia, Kosovo, and Montenegro. Serbs have a Sarmatian (Iranian) origin. The Serbs organized several principalities made up of a number of clans headed by leaders known as zupans. Both the Byzantine Empire and the Bulgars tried to conquer them, but without success.

Between the 9th and 12th centuries, several Serbian principalities evolved. These included Raška and Zeta, whose ruler Mihajlo (Michael) was anointed king by Pope Gregory VII in 1077.

The medieval Serbian empire was ruled by Stephen Dušan the Mighty (1331–55). It extended from the Aegean Sea to the Danube (Belgrade). The Serbian Empires controlled Macedonia, Thessaly, the Epirus, and Albania. The Serbian Church obtained its own patriarchate (region controlled by a high-ranking church official who was almost as revered as the pope), with its center in Peć.

Serbia became an exporting land with abundant crops and minerals. Dušan was crowned tsar of “the Serbs and Greeks” in 1346. He gave Serbia its first code of laws. His attempt to conquer the throne of Byzantium failed, however, when the Byzantines called on the Ottoman Turks for help in 1345. Even though Dušan withstood the attacks from the Turks twice, the gates to Europe had been opened. The Ottoman Turks had started their campaign to conquer the Balkans.

Under Ottoman Rule Dušan’s heirs could not hold his empire together against the Turks. The defeat of the Serbs in a famous battle at Kosovo Polje in 1389 left Serbia open to further Turkish conquest. Following a series of wars, the Turks succeeded in overtaking Constantinople (modern-day Istanbul) in 1453 and all of Serbia by 1459. For the next 350 years, Serbs and others had to learn how to survive under Ottoman rule.

The Turks did not make any distinctions based on ethnicity, but only on religion. Turkish Muslims were the dominant class while Christians and Jews were of a lower class. Christian boys between the age of eight and twenty were forcibly taken from their families to be converted to Islam and trained as “Janissaries” (government administrators). Some of these former Christians became administrators and even became grand viziers (advisers) to sultans.

Two distinct cultures lived side by side—Turkish Muslims in cities and towns and Christian Orthodox in the countryside of Serbia. The many Serbian monasteries built around the country became the supportive network for Serbian survival.

Serbs Living Abroad Over the next two centuries (1459–1659) many Serbs left their lands and settled north of the Sava and Danube rivers. The region is called “Vojvodina” by Serbs.

The wars between Austria and the Turks in the late 17th through the mid-18th centuries caused both mass migrations from Serbia and the hardening of Ottoman treatment of their Christian subjects.

The Turks were defeated in 1683 at the gates of Vienna, Austria. The Christian armies pursued the Turks all the way to Macedonia and had a good chance to drive the Turks off the European continent. The Turks retaliated, and many Serbs fled. This left Serbian lands, particularly Kosovo, unpopulated. Albanians, whom the Turks favored because they were mostly Muslims, moved in. Conversions to Islam increased.

The Serbs, who held deep emotional attachments to the Kosovo region, could not bear to give up control over the area. Even though they represented only about 10% of the population of Kosovo, tension and conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo continued into the 21st century.

Serbian Revolts and Independence Meanwhile, two areas of active Serbian national activity developed, one under the Turks in the northern Ŝumadija region and the other in Hungary. Ŝumadija, a forested region, became the refuge for many hajduks (Serbian “Robin Hoods”) that raided Turkish establishments. These hajduks were legendary heroes among the Serbian people.

In 1805, the Serbs defeated the Turks and gained control of the region around Belgrade. A Serb uprising occurred in 1815. It was led by Miloš Obrenović, who gained the support of the Russian tsar. By 1830, Serbia had gained its full autonomy and Obrenović was recognized as a hereditary prince of Serbia. Serbia was internationally accepted as an independent state.

Miloš Obrenović was an authoritarian ruler. He had to be forced to create a constitution for Serbia. A council of chiefs was established to share power with him. A succession of rulers was installed and deposed over the next decade.

Miloš Obrenović died in 1860. He was succeeded, first by his son Mihajlo and then by his nephew, Milan. Milan Obrenović abdicated in 1889 in favor of his son, Alexander, who abolished the constitution. Alexander led a corrupt and scandalous life and was eventually murdered in June 1903. The assembly then called on Peter, Alexander’s son, to take the crown.

The Balkan Wars Austria annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908. The Serbs saw Austria’s move as a serious blow to their goal of a Greater Serbia with an outlet to the Adriatic Sea through Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The Balkan countries (Serbia, Bulgaria, Montenegro, and Greece) formed the Balkan League and attacked Turkey in 1912. The Balkan League quickly defeated the Turks and drove them to the gates of Constantinople.

Austria and Italy opposed a Serbian outlet to the sea in Albania. Serbia requested help from Bulgaria. Bulgaria responded by attacking Serbia and Greece, hoping to obtain all of Macedonia. The resulting second Balkan War ended with the defeat of Bulgaria by Serbia, Montenegro, Greece, Romania, and Turkey.

Austria feared Serbian expansion. The Austro Hungarians felt Serbia had to be restrained by whatever means, including war. They needed only a spark to ignite a conflict against the Serbs.

World War I and Royal Yugoslavia The spark was provided on 28 June 1914. Austria’s Archduke Ferdinand and his wife were murdered by a Serbian man in Sarajevo. Austria declared war on Serbia that day, and began bombing Belgrade.

The Serbian army twice repelled the Austrian forces in 1914, with tremendous losses in men and civilian refugees. In addition, a typhus epidemic killed many Serbs. Still, the Serbs were successful in driving the Austrian forces out of Serbia in October 1918. On 20 October 1918, U.S. President Woodrow Wilson declared his support for the independence of all the people of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy.

The armistice ending World War I was signed on 3 November 1918. A Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes was proclaimed on 1 December 1918. A constitution was approved on 28 June 1921. King Alexander abrogated the constitution in 1929, dissolved the parliament and political parties, took over power directly, renamed the country “Yugoslavia,” and abolished the 33 administrative departments.

A new policy was begun with the goal of creating a single “Yugoslav” nation out of the three “tribes” of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. This meant the Serbian king would dominate the rest of the nation. The reaction was intense, and King Alexander himself was assassinated in 1934. Alexander’s cousin, Prince Paul, assumed power and managed to reach an agreement in

1939 with the Croats. Prince Paul’s government was deposed on 27 March 1941 and Germany’s Adolph Hitler and his allies (Italy, Hungary, Bulgaria) attacked Yugoslavia on 6 April 1941.

World War II Yugoslavia was divided up and occupied by Germany and its allies. In Serbia the resistance was led by the “Cetniks,” the “Yugoslav army in the homeland.” The Cetniks recognized the authority of the Yugoslav government-in-exile. Josip Broz Tito led the Communist partisan movement. Tito’s goal was to conquer Yugoslavia for Communism.

British leader Winston Churchill decided to recognize Tito as the leader of the Yugoslav resistance. Soviet armies, accompanied by Tito, entered Yugoslavia from Romania and Bulgaria in the fall of 1944. After the end of the war, the Communist-led forces took control of Serbia and Yugoslavia and instituted a violent dictatorship that committed crimes and violated human rights. Thousands of their former opponents who were returned from Austria by British military authorities were tortured and massacred.

Communist Yugoslavia Such was the background for the formation of the second Yugoslavia as a Federative People’s Republic of five nations (Slovenes, Croats, Serbs, Macedonians, Montenegrins) with their individual republics and Bosnia and Herzegovina as a buffer area. The problem of large Hungarian and Muslim Albanian populations in Serbia was solved by creating for them the region of Vojvodina (Hungarian minority) and Kosovo (Muslim Albanian majority.

Tito attempted to satisfy most of the nationality issues that were carried over, unresolved, from the first Yugoslavia. However, he failed to satisfy anyone. The Marxist Yugoslav regime thought that national rivalries and conflicting interests would gradually diminish through their incorporation into a new Socialist order. Without capitalism, nationalism was supposed to wither away.

The elections of 11 November 1945 gave the Communist-led People’s Front 90% of the vote. An assembly met on 29 November, abolished the monarchy and established the Federative People’s Republic of Yugoslavia. In January 1946, a new constitution was adopted.

Yugoslavia was forced to find its own road to Socialism, balancing its position between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) alliance and the Soviet bloc of Communist countries. Tito quickly nationalized the economy through a policy of forced industrialization, supported by the collectivization of the agriculture. The peasants were against it. Collectivization was begun in 1949 but had to be abandoned by 1958.

By the 1950s, Yugoslavia had started self-management of businesses through workers councils and local decision-making. There was a period of very rapid industrial growth in the 1950s. However, there was an economic crisis in 1961, leading to the introduction of market socialism in 1965. Unemployment grew. The government responded by relaxing restrictions on labor migration particularly to West Germany.

Yugoslavia began to develop a foreign policy independent of the Soviet Union. Tito intensified his commitment to the movement of nonaligned “third world” nations. Tito drew on economic and political support from the Western powers while neutralizing any aggression from the Soviet bloc. Tito condemned all Soviet aggression. Just before his death on 4 May 1980, Tito condemned the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In the 1970s and 1980s, Yugoslavia maintained fairly good relations with its neighboring states.

Slobodan Milošević became the head of the Communist Party in Serbia in 1987. He was an ardent advocate of the Serbs in Kosovo. The League of Communists of Yugoslavia met in January 1990 to review proposed reforms.

Yugoslavia’s Dissolution In October 1990, Slovenia and Croatia published a joint proposal for a confederation of Yugoslavia. This did not work. Slovenia declared its independence on 25 June 1991. On 27 June, the Yugoslav army tried to seize control of Slovenia. The Slovenian “territorial guards” surrounded Yugoslav army tank units, isolated them, and engaged in close combat along border checkpoints. Over 3,200 Yugoslav army soldiers surrendered, and the Slovenes had the prisoners call their parents all over Yugoslavia to come to Slovenia and take their sons back home. The European Community negotiated a cease-fire.

The collapse of Communist regimes in Eastern Europe in 1989 had a deep impact in Yugoslavia. Communist leaders there realized that, in order to stay in power, they needed to embrace the goals of nationalistic movements. In Serbia and Montenegro, the Communists won on 9 December 1990 on the basis of their strong Serbian nationalism. In its last years, Yugoslavia became a house divided, prompting the parliament of Slovenia to pass a resolution on 20 February 1991 proposing the division of Yugoslavia into two separate states.

Suppression of Kosovo and Revolt in Croatia On 2 July 1990, Albanian members of the Yugoslav legislature declared Kosovo a separate territory within the Yugoslav federation. In August 1990, an open Serb revolt against the Croatian government was started with the support of Slobodan Milošević. On 17 March 1991, Milošević declared that Krajina, a region in Croatia, was a Serbian autonomous region.

The Serbian determination to maintain a united Yugoslavia hardened, while the determination of the Slovenes and Croats to gain their independence grew stronger. The new constitution created by Serbia in September 1990 eliminated autonomy for Vojvodina and Kosovo. The first elections were held on 9 December 1990. Slobodan Milošević’s Socialist Party of Serbia received two-thirds of the votes. Milošević had complete control of Serbia.

On 3 June 1991 Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia proposed the formation of a Community of Yugoslav Republics as a compromise. But it was too late. The international community stood firmly in support of the preservation of Yugoslavia.

Slovenia and Croatia declared their independence on 25 June 1991. Milošević and the Serbian leadership concentrated on the goal of uniting all Serbian lands to Serbia. War broke out. A cease-fire was called on 3 January 1992. UN peacekeepers were stationed by March 1992 to separate the Serb-controlled areas from Croatian army and other forces. Milošević was confident that the UN forces would protect the Serb-occupied territories from the Croats.

Aggression in Bosnia and Herzegovina In the meantime, a far worse situation was developing in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Following the deployment in Croatia of UN peacekeepers, the Yugoslav army moved into Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnia and Herzegovina held a referendum on independence in February 1992. Milošević’s goal of unifying all Serbian lands would become impossible with an independent Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, Bosnian Serbs abstained from voting, while 64% of eligible voters approved of an independent Bosnia and Herzegovina by an almost unanimous 99.7%.

International recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina came on 6 April 1992. On 1 March 1992 a Serbian wedding party was attacked in the Muslim section of Sarajevo. This was the spark that ignited the fighting in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Serbs pounded Sarajevo for two years, reducing it to rubble. They took control of two-thirds of the territory, and carried out ferocious “ethnic cleansing” of Muslims in areas they intended to add to their own.

Serbia and Montenegro formed their own Federal Republic of Yugoslavia on 27 April 1992. Despite the lack of international support, Milošević was elected president in December. Inflation, unemployment, and savage corruption convinced Milošević to support the various plans for bringing about peace to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Yugoslavia faced serious internal political problems in addition to its ruined economy. These included the tradition of independence in Montenegro, the Albanian majority in Kosovo, the Hungarians in Vojvodina, and independent Macedonia.

The Ongoing Conflict The quest to create a “Greater Serbia”—that is, to unite all Serbs under a single Serbian government—resulted in continued fighting, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Over 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys were executed at Srebrenica in July 1995. On 8 September 1995, the leaders of Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina agreed on a new governmental structure for Bosnia and Herzegovina.

In October 1995, Bosnia and Herzegovina accused the Bosnian Serbs of war crimes. Pressured by air strikes and diplomacy, Serb authorities joined leaders from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia on 31 October 1995 in Dayton, Ohio, for a round of peace talks sponsored by the United States. On 21 November 1995, the three presidents of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and Serbia finally agreed to terms that would end the fighting in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The agreement called for 60,000 UN peacekeepers.

The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia at The Hague set out to find and prosecute Serbian soldiers accused of atrocities. In March 1996, a demonstration in Belgrade brought out 20,000 protestors against the Milošević regime. Opponents charged his regime with starting the Bosnian conflict and devastating the Serbian economy. In December, Milošević shut down Belgrade’s independent radio station. Thousands of protesters met in the streets of Belgrade, hoping to topple him. In February 1997, Milošević agreed to recognize the results of the previous local elections, in which opposition parties won majorities in 14 of Serbia’s 19 largest cities. In July 1997, Milošević was appointed to the presidency of Yugoslavia by the federal parliament, allowing him to maintain control for another four years.

During March of 1999, Albanian moderates and representatives of the Yugoslav government held talks. They came up with a plan to give Kosovo back its autonomy. The Serbs refused to sign the accord. Hostilities continued. Beginning 24 March 1999 NATO forces bombed Serbia and Kosovo, in an attempt to check human rights violations and end fighting. Fears ran high that other European nations would get involved in the conflict and take sides, resulting in a third world war. Russia disagreed with the NATO bombing runs, attempting its own peace process. NATO and European Union forces assumed control of Kosovo once the fighting had ended.

On 29 June 1999, 10,000 Serbian protestors gathered to demand the resignation of Milošević. In August, more than 100,000 Serbians called for an end to his rule in a march on Belgrade. The next regular presidential elections were set for 2001. Milošević called presidential elections early, for 24 September 2000; most believed that they would be rigged in his favor, and were planning to boycott the elections.

Milošević banned international observers from the process of monitoring the elections. The opposition to Milošević was strong, and a crowd of 150,000 turned out for the final pre-election rally against him. The opposition claimed victory in the election, with Vojislav Kostunica proclaiming himself the “people’s president.”

On 27 September, 250,000 people took to the streets to demand that Milošević step down.

BIOGRAPHICAL PROFILE

Name: Boris Tadic

Position: President of a republic

Took Office: 11 July 2004

Birthdate: 15 January 1958

Education: University of Belgrade

Spouse: Married

Children: Two children

Of interest: Tadic is a trained psychologist. He is the first Serbian president to meet the pope. He raised the Serbian flag at the United Nations after Montenegro declared its independence in 2006.

By 2 October, protesters had called a general strike, were blocking Belgrade’s main streets and had caused a halt to economic activity in other Yugoslav cities. On 4 October 2000, the Constitutional Court annulled the election results and ruled that Milošević should serve out his last term in office. Tens of thousands of opposition supporters stormed and burned the parliament building on 5 October and captured the state television service. Police joined the crowds. Kostunica told approximately 500,000 supporters at a rally in Belgrade that Serbia had been liberated. On 6 October, Milošević conceded defeat, and Kostunica was sworn in as president on 7 October. Milošević was indicted for atrocities in Kosovo by the UN war crimes tribunal in The Hague.

On 1 April 2001, Milošević was arrested at his home in Belgrade after a tense standoff in which shots were fired. He had been charged with corruption and abuse of power within Yugoslavia. Milošević was formerly indicted by the tribunal in May 1999 for alleged war crimes in Kosovo. Other indictments later included war crimes carried out in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, including charges of genocide carried out in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992–95. This was the first time a sitting head of state had been charged with war crimes. Milošević’s trial at The Hague began in February 2002. Milošević died of a heart attack in prison in The Hague on 11 March 2006.

Serbia and Montenegro On 14 March 2002, Serbia and Montenegro agreed to create a loose federation called “Serbia and Montenegro.” Both republics would share defense and foreign policies, but would maintain separate economies, currencies, and customs services. Each republic would have its own parliament with a central 126-member parliament located in Belgrade. Kosovo, which remained under UN administration, remained part of Serbia. This angered many Kosovo activists. The parliament of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia voted to disband itself on 4 February 2003, dissolving the country and introducing the new state of Serbia and Montenegro. Both republics agreed they would be able to hold referendums on full independence in 2006.

Serbian presidential elections were held on 29 September 2002. Kostunica won 66.8% of the votes in the second round of voting. However, voter turnout failed to reach a mandated 50% and the elections were declared to be invalid. On 7 March 2003, Svetozar Marovic was elected the first president of Serbia and Montenegro after Kostunica stepped down as president of the former Yugoslavia. In March 2004 Kostunica was appointed the new prime minister of Serbia. In June 2004, the Serbs got a new president, Boris Tadic.

A referendum on full independence for Montenegro was held on 21 May 2006. The vote was in favor of independence. Serbia became the successor state to the union of Serbia and Montenegro. Serbia inherited legal claim to the UN-administered province of Kosovo.

13 Government

Following the breakup of the union of Serbia and Montenegro in 2006, the Republic of Serbia drafted a new constitution. Serbia has a legislature (National Assembly) of 250 deputies chosen in direct general elections for a period of four years. The deputies in the National Assembly elect the government of the Republic of Serbia. The Serbian government was formed on 3 March 2004 with the appointment of Vojislav Kostunica as the prime minister. Boris Tadic took office as president in July 2004.

Serbia is made up of 29 districts and the city of Belgrade. Each district is, in turn, divided into several municipalities.

14 Political Parties

The Republic of Serbia held parliamentary elections on 28 December 2003. The following political parties won seats in the National Assembly: Serbian Radical Party, 82 seats; Democratic Party of Serbia, 53 (includes candidates of the People’s Democratic Party, the Serbian Liberal Party, and the Serbian Democratic Party); the Democratic Party, 37 (includes candidates from the Civic Alliance of Serbia, Democratic Center, Social Democratic Union, Bosniak Democratic Party of Sandzak, and the Social Liberal Party of Sandzak); the G17 Plus, 34 (including candidates from the Social Democratic Party); the Serbian Renewal Movement, 22; and the Socialist Party of Serbia, 22.

Other minor parties and coalitions which were not represented in the National Assembly include: Together for Tolerance; Democratic Alternative; For National Unity; Otpor; and Independent Serbia.

Yearly Growth Rate

This economic indicator tells by what percent the economy has increased or decreased when compared with the previous year.

15 Judicial System

The judiciary is independent. The Serbian Constitutional Court determines whether Serbian laws, regulations and other enactments are in conformity with the Serbian constitution. The Supreme Court is the highest court of appeals. As of 2002, a new intermediate appeals body, the Court of Appeals, became effective. It has jurisdiction over appeals from the municipal and district courts.

There are 30 district courts in Serbia. The 143 municipal courts are the principal first instance courts. There are 16 commercial courts, and their decisions may be appealed to the High Commercial Court, located in Belgrade.

16 Armed Forces

As of 2006, military forces included Serbian Land Forces and Air Force and Air Defense Force. Since Serbia lost its access to the sea when Montenegro became independent, it was unlikely that Serbia would continue to fund a navy. The following statistics on armed forces pertain to the union of Serbia and Montenegro prior to Montenegro’s independence in 2006. Active armed forces numbered approximately 65,300 in 2005, supported by 250,000 reservists. The army had 55,000 active personnel. The navy had 3,800 active personnel, including 900 marines. The air force had 6,500 active members. In addition, military forces from 45 countries were stationed in Serbia and Montenegro as part of the Kosovo Peace Implementation Force. The defense budget in 2005 totaled $706 million.

17 Economy

During the UN economic sanctions that lasted from 1992 to 1995, economic activity was extremely limited. Formal lifting of these sanctions occurred in October 1996. Growth in economic output was estimated at 5.9% in 2005. Inflation grew in 2005 to 15.5%. Unemployment remained unusually high, hovering around 30%. A large number of unemployed people work in the informal economy.

18 Income

Statistics are for Serbia and Montenegro, prior to Montenegro’s 2006 independence. The per capita GDP was estimated at $5,000 in 2005. The annual growth rate of GDP was estimated at 5.9%. The average inflation rate in 2005 was 15.5%. It was estimated that agriculture accounted for 17% of GDP, industry 25%, and services 58%.

It was estimated that in 1999 about 30% of the population had incomes below the poverty line.

19 Industry

Serbia contributed 35% to the total industrial production of the former Yugoslavia. Between 1989 and 1996, total industrial output fell by 60%. In the mid-1990s, industry accounted for approximately 50% of the country’s GDP.

Principal industries in Serbia include machine building (aircraft, trucks, automobiles, tanks and weapons, electrical equipment, agricultural machinery), metallurgy, textiles, footwear, foodstuffs, appliances, electronics, petroleum products, chemicals, and pharmaceuticals.

The industrial production growth rate in 2002 was only 1.2%, a sign that the importance of industry in the economy was declining. In 2005, the industry of Serbia and Montenegro made up only 25% of the GDP.

20 Labor

The labor force in the union of Serbia and Montenegro was estimated at 3.22 million in 2005. The unemployment rate in 2005 was estimated at 31.6%, with Kosovo’s unemployment at around 50%.

The minimum employment age is 16 although younger children frequently work on family farms. As of 2005, there was no national minimum wage rate. On average, the full-time monthly wage in the public sector that year was $181, while the average wage in the private sector was $250.

Components of the Economy

This pie chart shows how much of the country’s economy is devoted to agriculture (including forestry, hunting, and fishing), industry, or services.

21 Agriculture

The union of Serbia and Montenegro had 3,717,000 hectares (9,160,000 acres) of arable land in 2003. Serbia historically accounted for 60% of agricultural production. Vojvodina is the major agricultural region. In 2000, 20% of the labor force was engaged in agriculture.

Agriculture contributed an estimated 17% to GDP in 2005. Major crops produced in 2004 (in thousands of tons) were: corn, 6,287; wheat, 2,746; sugar beets, 2,643; potatoes, 1,098; and grapes, 490.

22 Domesticated Animals

In 2005, the livestock population in the union of Serbia and Montenegro included 3,550,000 pigs and hogs, 1,796,600 sheep, 1,230,000 head of cattle, 182,000 goats, 40,000 horses, and 17,464,000 poultry. Total meat production that year was 848,240 tons; milk, 1,852,000 tons. Between 1990 and 1999, total livestock production increased by 1.8%, but during 2002–04 it fell by 5.4% from 1999–2001.

23 Fishing

The total catch in 2003 was 3,665 tons in the union of Serbia and Montenegro, 86% from inland waters. Common carp accounts for much of the inland catch.

24 Forestry

In 2000, estimated forest coverage was 2,887,000 hectares (7,134,000 acres) in the former Yugoslavia. Total roundwood production in the union of Serbia and Montenegro in 2004 was 3,520,000 cubic meters (124.3 billion cubic feet), of which about 75% came from public forests. In 2004, exports of forest products amounted to nearly $139.1 million. Imports amounted to $352.9 million.

25 Mining

Mining in Serbia dates back to the Middle Ages, when silver, gold, and lead were extracted. Serbia produces lead, bauxite, iron ore, copper ore, silver, gold, alumina, magnesium, palladium, platinum, and selenium. Among the industrial minerals produced are asbestos, bentonite, ceramic clay, fire clay, feldspar, pumice, lime, magnesite, mica, kaolin, gypsum, quartz sand, salt, nitrogen, caustic soda, sodium sulfate, sand and gravel, and stone.

26 Foreign Trade

The United Nations imposed sanctions on international trade with Yugoslavia in May 1992 and lifted them in December 1995. In 2004 exports in the union of Serbia and Montenegro reached $3.2 billion. In the same year, imports were almost triple that amount, at $9.5 billion. Most of the imports were machinery and transport equipment, fuels and lubricants, manufactured goods, chemicals, food and live animals, and raw materials. The imports mainly came from Germany (18.5%), Italy (16.5%), Austria (8.3%), Slovenia (6.7%), Bulgaria (4.7%), and France (4.5%). Exports included manufactured goods, food and live animals, and raw materials, and largely went to Italy (which receive 29% of total exports), Germany (16.6%), Austria (7%), Greece (6.7%), France (4.9%), and Slovenia (4.1%).

27 Energy and Power

Electric power production in 2002 amounted to 31.696 billion kilowatt hours, of which 67% was thermal and 33% hydroelectric. Serbia is the only Balkan country with large coal deposits. Proven reserves of coal as of 1999 totaled 18.2 billion tons. Total coal production in 2002 was 39,568,000 short tons.

Serbia has limited proven reserves of oil and natural gas. As of 1 January 2002, these reserves totaled 38.75 million barrels of oil and 24.07 billion cubic meters of natural gas. Production of crude oil in the union of Serbia and Montenegro in 2002 averaged 14,000 barrels per day. Refined petroleum product output in that year averaged 53,000 barrels per day. Natural gas production totaled 22.95 billion cubic feet in 2002.

28 Social Development

A social insurance system provides old age, disability, and survivorship benefits. Workers’ compensation, unemployment benefits, and family allowances are also available.

Traditional gender roles keep women from enjoying equal status with men and few occupy positions of leadership in private business. However, women are active in human rights and political organizations.

29 Health

The government provides health care to its citizens. There were 228 health institutions and about 3,000 other clinics, mostly private in Serbia and Montenegro in the mid-2000s. As of 2004, there were an estimated 20 physicians per 100,000 people. The University Clinical Center in Belgrade conducts about nine million examinations and 46,000 emergency operations per year and functions as one of the World Health Organization’s largest medical centers.

Average life expectancy in 2005 in the union was 74.73 years. As of 2004, there were approximately 10,000 people living with HIV/AIDS in the country. There were an estimated 100 deaths from AIDS in 2003.

At the beginning of 1996, the former Yugoslavia had 3,124,000 dwellings, with an average of 3.4 persons per dwelling. According to a 1999 assessment, it was estimated that about 120,000 dwellings were damaged or destroyed in Kosovo due to internal conflicts. About 50,000 homes had been damaged in Serbia. Overcrowding, particularly in urban areas, has become more of a problem as Serbian refugees have returned from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 2002, the nation counted about 2,790,411 households with an average of 2.89 people per household.

31 Education

School attendance is compulsory for nine years of primary school. This may be followed by three years of secondary school, with students having the option to attend general, vocational, or art schools. In 2001, about 43% of children between the ages of three and six in the union of Serbia and Montenegro were enrolled in some type of preschool program. Primary school enrollment in 2001 was estimated at about 96%. The same year, secondary school enrollment was about 82%. It is estimated that about 96% of all students complete their primary education. The student-to-teacher ratio for primary school was at about 20 to 1 in 2000; the ratio for secondary school was about 14 to 1.

Serbia has six universities (at Belgrade, Novi Sad, Pristina, Nis, and Kragujevac). In 2001, about 36% of the post-secondary age population was enrolled in higher education. The adult literacy rate for 2004 was estimated at about 96.4%.

32 Media

In 2003, there were an estimated 243 mainline telephones for every 1,000 people in the union of Serbia and Montenegro; about 313,500 people were on a waiting list for telephone service installation. The same year, there were approximately 338 mobile phones in use for every 1,000 people.

In Serbia and Montenegro, only the RTS television network was owned by the state; the other six (BK, TV Studio Spectrum ČaČak, Kanal 9 Kragujevac, Pink, Palma, and Art Kanal) are privately owned. In 2004, Serbia and Montenegro had about 297 radios and 282 television sets for every 1,000 people. The same year, there were 27.1 personal computers for every 1,000 people and 79 of every 1,000 people had access to the Internet.

In 1791, the first Serbian-language newspaper was published in Vienna, Austria. The dailies with the largest circulation (as of 2002) are Politika (Politics, 300,000) and Vecernje Novosti (Evening News, 169,000). Other newspapers include (with 2002 circulation) Borba (85,000), Jedinstvo (6,090), Dnevnik (61,000), and Pobjeda (19,400). There are several minority language newspapers.

33 Tourism and Recreation

Rich architecture, museums, galleries, cathedrals, parks, and rivers, are just some of the attractions that bring visitors to Serbia. The largest two of Serbia’s five national parks are Djerdap and Sar planina. Serbia has dozens of spa resorts such as Vrnjacka Banja, Mataruska Banja, and Niska Banja. Serbia has three UNESCO heritage sites. Popular sports in Serbia are rafting, hunting, fishing, skiing, and cycling.

In 2003, about 1.4 million tourists arrived in Serbia and Montenegro, of whom 93% came from Europe. There were 2,435 hotel rooms with 4,926 beds.

34 Famous Serbs

Sava Rastko Nemanjic (c. 1174–1235) was the first Serbian archbishop and a writer who became one of Serbia’s most prominent figures of the Middle Ages. Vuk Stefanovic Karadzic (1787–1864) reformed the Serbian language by clarifying grammar, standardizing the spelling, and compiling a dictionary. Dositej Obradovic (1742–1811) was a famous writer, philosopher, and teacher.

Djordje Petrovic Karadjordje (1768–1817) led a rebellion against the Turks in 1804. Zivojin Misic (1855–1921) was a distinguished military leader during World War I. Prince Miloš Obrenović (reigned 1815–39) founded the Obrenović dynasty and ruled Serbia as an absolute monarch. King Alexander of Yugoslavia (1888–1934) was assassinated in Marseille, France. Prince Paul of Yugoslavia (1893–1976) ruled as a regent for Peter II (1923–1970) from 1934 to 1941 and was forced into exile after signing a secret pact with the Nazi government.

Slobodan Milošević (1941–2006) was elected president of Serbia in 1990 and 1992 before being elected president of Yugoslavia in July 1997. He came before the UN’s International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in 2002 for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes, and died of a heart attack in his cell just months before the trial was due to end.

Ibrahim Rugova (1944–2006) was president of Kosovo and its leading political party, the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK). During the many conflicts in Kosovo, Rugova was regarded as a moderate ethnic Albanian leader, and later by some as “Father of the Nation.”

Ivo Andrić (1892–1975) received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1961. Danilo Kiš (1935–1989) established his reputation with his work A Tomb for Boris Davidovich (1976). Other notable Serbian authors include Meša Selimović, Miloš Crnjanski, Milorad Pavić, Dobrica Ćosić and David Albahari. Anastas Jovanović (1817–1899) was a pioneering photographer. Kirilo Kutlik set up the first school of art in Serbia in 1895. Nadežda Petrović (1873–1915) was influenced by Fauvism while Suva Ŝumanović worked in Cubism. Other Serbian artists include Milan Konjović, Marko Čelebonović, Petar Lubarda, Milo Milunović, and Vladimir VeliČković.

35 Bibliography

Cevallos, Albert. Whither the Bulldozer? Nonviolent Revolution and the Transition to Democracy in Serbia. Washington, DC: U.S. Institute of Peace, 2001.

Frucht, Richard (ed.). Eastern Europe: An Introduction to the People, Lands, and Culture. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2005.

Judah, Tim. The Serbs: History, Myth, and the Destruction of Yugoslavia. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997.

King, David C. Serbia and Montenegro. New York: Marshall Cavendish Benchmark, 2005.

Klemencic, Matjaz. The Former Yugoslavia’s Diverse Peoples: A Reference Sourcebook. Oxford, Eng.: ABC-Clio, 2003.

Maleševic, Siniša. Ideology, Legitimacy, and the New State: Yugoslavia, Serbia, and Croatia. Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 2002.

Milivojevic, JoAnn. Serbia. New York: Children’s Press, 2003.

Schuman, Michael. Serbia and Montenegro. 2nd ed. New York: Facts On File, 2004.

Sell, Louis. Slobodan Milosevic and the Destruction of Yugoslavia. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002.

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Serbia

Serbia

Compiled from the October 2006 Background Note and supplemented with additional information from the State Department and the editors of this volume. See the introduction to this set for explanatory notes.

Official Name:
Republic of Serbia

PROFILE

PEOPLE AND HISTORY

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS

DEFENSE

ECONOMY

FOREIGN RELATIONS

U.S.-SERBIA RELATIONS

TRAVEL

PROFILE

Geography

Area: Serbia (88,412 sq. km.) is slightly smaller than Maine.

Cities: Capital—Belgrade. Other cities—Pancevo, Novi Pazar, Uzice, Novi Sad, Subotica, Bor, Nis.

Terrain: Varied; in the north, rich fertile plains; in the east, limestone ranges and basins; in the southeast, mountains and hills.

Climate: In the north, continental climate (cold winter and hot, humid summers with well-distributed rainfall); central portion, continental and Mediterranean climate; to the south, hot, dry summers and autumns and relatively cold winters with heavy snowfall inland.

People (2004 est.)

Nationality: Noun—Serb(s); adjective—Serbian.

Population: Serbia (not including Kosovo) 7,478,820 (2002 Republic census).

Population growth rate: -3.5%.

Ethnic groups: Serbian 83%, Hungarian 4%, Bosnian 2%, Albanian 1%, Montenegrin 1%, other 9%. (Population: census 2002, without Kosovo.)

Religions: Orthodox 85%, Roman Catholic 5.5%, Muslim 3%, Protestant 1%, other 5.5%. (Population: census 2002, without Kosovo.)

Languages: Serbian 88%, Hungarian 3.8%, Bosnian 2%, Albanian 1%, others 5%.

Health: Infant mortality rate—8.1 deaths/1,000. Life expectancy—males 69.9 yrs., female 75.4 yrs.

Government

Type: Republic.

Constitution: Adopted April 27, 1992. The Serbian Parliament approved a new Constitution and submitted it for an October 28-29, 2006 referendum.

Independence: April 11, 1992 (Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (F.R.Y.) formed as self-proclaimed successor to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia). On February 4, 2003, the F.R.Y. parliament adopted a new Constitutional Charter establishing the state union of Serbia and Montenegro. On May 21, 2006, the Republic of Montenegro held a successful referendum on independence and after Montenegro’s declaration of independence on June 3, the parliament of Serbia stated that the Republic of Serbia was the continuity of the state union, rendering the two republics independent and sovereign countries.

Government branches: Executive—president (chief of state); prime minister (head of government), Council of Ministers (cabinet). Legislative—Parliament. Judicial—Federal Court (Savezni Sud) and Constitutional Court.

Political parties: Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians (SVM), Christian Democratic Party of Serbia (DHSS), Civic Alliance of Serbia (GSS), Democratic Alternative (DA), Democratic Center (DC), Democratic Community of Vojvodina Hungarians (DZVM), Democratic Party (DS), Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), Force of Serbia (PSS), G-17 Plus (G17), League for Sumadija (LS), League of Social Democrats of Vojvodina (LSV), Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), List for Sandzak, New Serbia (NS), Reformist Democratic Party of Vojvodina (LSV), Serbian Radical Party (SRS), Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO), Social Democrat Party (SDP), Socialist Democratic Union (SDU), Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS—former Communist Party), Yugoslav United Left (JUL).

Suffrage: 16 years of age if employed; universal at 18.

Economy

GDP: (2005) $24 billion.

GDP growth rate: (2005) 6.5%.

GDP per capita: (2005) $3,273.

Inflation rate: (2005) 17.7%.

Natural resources: Coal, petroleum, natural gas, antimony, copper, lead, zinc, timber, bauxite, gold, silver, navigable rivers.

Agriculture: 12% of GDP.

Industry: 20% of GDP.

Services: 68% of GDP.

Trade: (2004 est.) Exports—$4.6 billion. Major markets—Italy, Germany, Bosnia. Imports—$10.2 billion. Major suppliers—Germany, Italy, Russia.

PEOPLE AND HISTORY

Serbia

The Serbian state as known today was created in 1170 A.D. by Stefan Nemanja, the founder of the Nemanjic dynasty. Serbia’s religious foundation came several years later when Stefan’s son, canonized as St. Sava, became the first archbishop of a newly autocephalous Serbian Orthodox Church (1219). Thus, at this time, the Serbs enjoyed both temporal and religious independence. After a series of successions, Serbia fell under the rule of King Milutin, who improved Serbia’s position among other European countries. Milutin also was responsible for many of the brightest examples of Medieval Serbian architecture. Moreover, Serbia began to expand under Milutin’s reign, seizing territory in nearby Macedonia from the Byzantines. Under Milutin’s son, Stefan Dusan (1331-55), the Nemanjic dynasty reached its peak, ruling from the Danube to central Greece. However, Serbian power waned after Stefan’s death in 1355, and in the Battle of Kosovo (June 15, 1389) the Serbs were catastrophically defeated by the Turks. By 1459, the Turks exerted complete control over all Serb lands.

For more than 3 centuries—nearly 370 years—the Serbs lived under the yoke of the Ottoman sultans. As a result of this oppression, Serbs began to migrate out of their native land (present-day Kosovo and southern Serbia) into other areas within the Balkan Peninsula, including what is now Vojvodina and Croatia. When the Austrian Hapsburg armies pushed the Ottoman Turks south of the Danube in 1699, many Serbs were “liberated,” but their native land was still under Ottoman rule. Movements for Serbian independence began more than 100 years later with uprisings under the Serbian patriots Kara-george (1804-13) and Milos Obrenovic (1815-17). After the Russo-Turkish War of 1828-29, Serbia became an internationally recognized principality under Turkish suzerainty and Russian protection, and the state expanded steadily southward. After an insurrection in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1875, Serbia and Montenegro went to war against Turkey in 1876-78 in support of the Bosnian rebels. With Russian assistance, Serbs gained more territory as well as formal independence in 1878, though Bosnia was placed under Austrian administration.

In 1908, Austria-Hungary directly annexed Bosnia, inciting the Serbs to seek the aid of Montenegro, Bulgaria, and Greece in seizing the last Ottoman-ruled lands in Europe. In the ensuing Balkan Wars of 1912-13, Serbia obtained northern and central Macedonia, but Austria compelled it to yield Albanian lands that would have given it access to the sea. Serb animosity against the Habsburgs reached a climax on June 28, 1914, when the Austrian archduke Franz Ferdinand was assassinated in Sarajevo by a Bosnian Serb, Gavrilo Princip, setting off a series of diplomatic and military initiatives among the great powers that culminated in World War I. Soon after the war began, Austro-Hungarian and Bulgarian forces occupied Serbia. Upon the collapse of Austria-Hungary at the war’s end in 1918, Vojvodina and Montenegro united with Serbia, and former south Slav subjects of the Habsburgs sought the protection of the Serbian crown within a kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Serbia was the dominant partner in this state, which in 1929 adopted the name Yugoslavia.

The kingdom soon encountered resistance when Croatians began to resent control from Belgrade. This pressure prompted King Alexander I to split the traditional regions into nine administrative provinces. During World War II, Yugoslavia was divided between the Axis powers and their allies. Royal army soldiers, calling themselves Cetnici (Chetniks), formed a Serbian resistance movement, but a more determined communist resistance under the Partisans, with Soviet and Anglo-American help, liberated all of Yugoslavia by 1944. In an effort to avoid Serbian domination during the postwar years, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, and Montenegro were given separate and equal republican status within the new socialist federation of Yugoslavia; Kosovo and Vojvodina were made autonomous provinces within Yugoslavia.

Despite the attempts at a federal system of government for Yugoslavia, Serbian communists played the leading role in Yugoslavia’s political life for the next 4 decades. As the Germans were defeated at the end of World War II, Josip Broz Tito, a former Bolshevik and committed communist, began to garner support from both within Yugoslavia as well as from the Allies. Yugoslavia remained independent of the U.S.S.R., as Tito broke with Stalin and asserted Yugoslav independence. Tito went on to control Yugoslavia for 35 years. Under communist rule, Serbia was transformed from an agrarian to an industrial society. In the 1980s, however, Yugoslavia’s economy began to fail. With the death of Tito in 1980, separatist and nationalist tensions emerged in Yugoslavia.

In 1989, riding a wave of nationalist sentiment, Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic reimposed direct rule over the autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina, prompting Albanians in Kosovo to agitate for separation from the Republic of Serbia. Between 1991 and 1992, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia all seceded from Yugoslavia. On April 27, 1992 in Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro joined in passing the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In March 2002, the Belgrade Agreement was signed by the heads of the federal and republican governments, setting forth the parameters for a redefinition of Montenegro’s relationship with Serbia within a joint state. On February

4, 2003, the F.R.Y. parliament ratified the Constitutional Charter, establishing a new state union and changing the name of the country from Yugoslavia to Serbia and Montenegro. On May 21, 2006, the Republic of Montenegro held a successful referendum on independence and declared independence on June 3. Thereafter, the parliament of Serbia stated that the Republic of Serbia was the continuity of the state union, changing the name of the country from Serbia and Montenegro to the Republic of Serbia, with Serbia retaining Serbia and Montenegro’s membership in all international organizations and bodies.

Kosovo

Before the conflicts of the 1990s, Kosovo was best known as the site of a famous 14th-century battle in which invading Ottoman Turks defeated a Serbian army led by Tsar Lazar. During this medieval period, Kosovo also was home to many important Serb religious sites, including many architecturally significant Serbian Orthodox monasteries. The Ottomans ruled Kosovo for more than four centuries, until Serbia reconquered the territory during the First Balkans War in 1912-13. First partitioned in 1913 between Serbia and Montenegro, Kosovo was then incorporated into the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (later named Yugoslavia) after World War I. During World War II, parts of Kosovo were absorbed into Italian-occupied Albania. After the Italian capitulation, Nazi Germany assumed control until Tito’s Yugoslav communists reentered Kosovo at the end of the war.

After World War II, Kosovo became a province of Serbia in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The 1974 Yugoslav Constitution gave Kosovo (along with Vojvodina) the status of an autonomous province with nearly equal voting rights as the six constituent Republics of Yugoslavia. Although the Albanian-majority province enjoyed significant autonomy, riots broke out in 1981 led by Kosovar Albanians who demanded that Kosovo be granted full Republic status.

In the late 1980s, Slobodan Milosevic propelled himself to power in Belgrade by exploiting the fears of the small Serbian minority in Kosovo. In 1989, he arranged the elimination of Kosovo’s autonomy in favor of more direct rule from Belgrade. Belgrade ordered the firing of large numbers of Albanian state employees, whose jobs were then taken by Serbs.

As a result of this oppression, Kosovo Albanian leaders led a peaceful resistance movement in the early 1990s and established a parallel government funded mainly by the Albanian diaspora. When this movement failed to yield results, an armed resistance emerged in 1997 in the form of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). The KLA’s main goal was to secure the independence of Kosovo.

In late 1998, Milosevic unleashed a brutal police and military campaign against the separatist KLA, which included atrocities against civilian noncombatants. For the duration of Milosevic’s campaign, large numbers of ethnic Albanians were either displaced from their homes in Kosovo or killed by Serbian troops or police. These acts, and Serbia’s refusal to sign the Rambouillet Accords, provoked a military response from NATO, which consisted primarily of aerial bombing. The campaign continued from March through June 1999. After 79 days of bombing, Milosevic capitulated and international forces, led by NATO, moved into Kosovo. The international security presence, which is known as Kosovo Force (KFOR), works closely with the UN Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) to ensure protection for all of Kosovo’s communities.

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS

Republic of Serbia

Even as opposition to his regime grew in the late 1990s, Yugoslav President Milosevic continued to dominate the organs of the F.R.Y. Government. Although his political party, the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), did not enjoy a majority in either the federal or Serbian parliaments, it dominated the governing coalitions and held all the key administrative posts. An essential element of Milosevic’s grasp on power was his control of the Serbian police, a heavily armed force of some 100,000 that was responsible for internal security and which committed serious human rights abuses. Routine federal elections in September 2000 resulted in a narrow official victory for Milosevic and his coalition. Immediately, street protests and rallies filled cities across the country as Serbs rallied around Vojislav Kostunica, the recently formed Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS, a broad coalition of anti-Milosevic parties) candidate for F.R.Y. president. Cries of fraud and calls for Milosevic’s removal echoed across city squares from Subotica to Nis.

On October 5, 2000, Slobodan Milosevic was forced to concede defeat after days of mass protests all across Serbia. New F.R.Y. President Vojislav Kostunica was soon joined at the top of the domestic Serbian political scene by the Democratic Party’s (DS) Zoran Djindjic, who was elected Prime Minister of Serbia at the head of the DOS ticket in December’s republican elections. After an initial honeymoon period in the wake of October 5, DSS and the rest of DOS, led by Djindjic and his DS, found themselves increasingly at odds over the nature and pace of the governments’ reform programs. Although initial reform efforts were highly successful, especially in the economic and fiscal sectors, by the middle of 2002, the nationalist Kostunica and the pragmatic Djindjic were openly at odds. Kostunica’s party, having informally withdrawn from all DOS decision making bodies, was agitating for early elections to the Serbian parliament in an effort to force Djindjic from the scene.

After the initial euphoria of replacing Milosevic’s autocratic regime, the Serbian population, in reaction to this political maneuvering, slid into apathy and disillusionment with its leading politicians by mid-2002. This political stalemate continued for much of 2002, and reform initiatives stalled. Two rounds of elections for the republic presidency in late 2002 failed because of insufficient voter turnout (Serbian law required participation by more than 50% of registered voters).

On March 12, 2003, Serbian Prime Minister Djindjic was assassinated. The Serbian government and the newly formed union government of Serbia and Montenegro reacted swiftly by calling a state of emergency and undertaking an unprecedented crackdown on organized crime which led to the arrest of more than 4,000 people. Zoran Zivkovic, a vice-president of Djindjic’s DS party, was elected Prime Minister in March 2003. A series of scandals plagued the Zivkovic government through the second half of 2003, ultimately leading the Prime Minister to call early elections.

Republic of Serbia presidential elections were again held on November 16, 2003. These elections were also declared invalid because of insufficient voter turnout.

Following the December 2003 parliamentary elections, a new minority government was formed with the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), G17+, and the Serbian Renewal Movement/New Serbia (SPO/NS) coalition and the tacit support of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) and former F.R.Y. president Vojislav Kostunica was named Prime Minister. On June 27, 2004 after changes to the election law to allow for a valid election with turnout of less than 50% of registered voters, Boris Tadic (DS) defeated Radical Party candidate Tomislav Nikolic by a slim margin and was elected President of Serbia. President Tadic’s Democratic Party (DS) did not join the governing coalition but has been working with Serbia’s democratic forces to advance the reform agenda.

Kosovo (under UN administration)

While legally still part of Serbia, Kosovo remains an international protectorate of the United Nations as outlined in UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1244, which was passed June 10, 1999. Under UNSCR 1244, UNMIK assumes the supreme legal authority in Kosovo, while working to create “substantial autonomy and self-governance” in Kosovo. The senior international official in Kosovo is the Special Representative of the Secretary General (SRSG), who has sweeping legal authority to govern Kosovo. He presides over UN and other international organizations with missions in Kosovo, such as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and European Union (EU), and has the final authority in approving legislation and decisions taken by Kosovo’s provisional government. In September 2006, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan appointed German diplomat Joachim Ruecker to be the new SRSG. Previously, Ruecker served as the head of UNMIK Pillar IV, where he led efforts to privatize former socially-owned enterprises. Resolution 1244 also authorizes a NATO-led force (KFOR) to provide for a safe and secure environment in Kosovo. KFOR’s current strength is approximately 17,000 international troops, including approximately 1,700 U.S. troops (mostly U.S. National Guard). KFOR numbers are expected to steadily decline as the security situation improves and as local security structures, such as the Kosovo Police Service, increase their capacity to operate effectively.

In 2001, the SRSG promulgated a “Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self-Government in Kosovo.” This document established a Kosovo Assembly and new Provisional Institutions of Self-Government (PISG). In November 2001, Kosovo held its first elections for the three-year term of the Kosovo Assembly. The elections were administered and supervised by the OSCE. The main political parties included the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), led by Ibrahim Rugova; Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), led by former KLA political chief Hashim Thaci; the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK), led by former KLA commander Ramush Haradinaj; and the Serb coalition party Povratak. The LDK won the elections with 46% of the vote, and the PDK came in second with 26%. They were followed by Povratak at 11% and the AAK at 8%. OSCE judged the elections free and fair.

After significant political wrangling, Kosovo’s politicians agreed to establish Kosovo’s first coalition government in March 2002, with Bajram Rexhepi (PDK) as Prime Minister and Ibrahim Rugova (LDK) as President. The Provisional Institutions of Self-Government (PISG) were formed, with ministries allocated to the parties according to the March 2002 power-sharing agreement, and in the same year, the Kosovo Assembly began to function and pass its first laws. Beginning in 2003, UNMIK began transferring a significant number of governing competencies to these ministries and continues to work to build their capacity, in accordance with UNSCR 1244. UNMIK will retain many powers associated with state sovereignty, including foreign affairs and some security functions, until Kosovo’s final status is decided. In November 2004, UNMIK approved the creation of three new PISG ministries: Energy, Returns and Communities, and Local Self-Government; new Ministers of Interior and Justice were later added and are now operational.

On October 23, 2004, Kosovo held elections for the second three-year term of the Kosovo Assembly. For the first time, Kosovo’s own Central Election Commission administered these elections, under OSCE guidance. The main political parties were the same as in the 2001 elections, but for the addition of the new party ORA, led by Veton Surroi, and two new Kosovo Serb parties: the Serbian List for Kosovo and Metohia (SLKM) led by Oliver Ivanovic, and the Citizens Initiative of Serbia led by Slavisa Petkovic. The LDK won the elections with 45.4% of the vote, and the PDK came in second with 28.9%. They were followed by AAK at 8.4% and the ORA at 6.2%. Kosovo Serbs boycotted the elections, with less than one percent voting. However, Kosovo Serbs still received ten Assembly seats that are reserved to them as a minority community under the Constitutional Framework.

In contrast to the previous Kosovo government, this election produced a “narrow” coalition of two parties, the LDK and AAK. The December 3 inaugural session of the Kosovo Assembly re-elected Ibrahim Rugova as President and Ramush Haradinaj as Prime Minister.

In March 2005, Haradinaj resigned as prime minister after he was indicted for war crimes by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY); Haradinaj voluntarily surrendered to authorities and traveled to The Hague to face charges; he is now in Kosovo on provisional release awaiting his trial. The Kosovo Assembly subsequently elected Bajram Kosumi (AAK) as prime minister, whose resignation in March 2006 led to his replacement with Agim Ceku. After President Rugova’s death in January 2006, he was replaced by Fatmir Sejdiu. Resolution of Kosovo’s future political status remains one of the key issues in the region. Kosovo Albanians continue to advocate independence, which Belgrade rejects. The Serbian Government’s position is that Kosovo should remain part of Serbia as an autonomous province. In early 2002, former SRSG Michael Steiner first articulated a policy of “standards before status,” whereby Kosovo’s final status will not be addressed until and unless Kosovo meets certain internationally endorsed standards for the establishment of rule of law, functioning democratic institutions, minority rights, and economic development. In 2003, the United Nations Security Council endorsed a plan to evaluate Kosovo’s progress on these standards in mid-2005.

The United Nations appointed Kai Eide, Norwegian permanent representative to NATO, to conduct this evaluation in the summer of 2005. In October 2005, Eide reported uneven progress on many key Standards, but said that there was no advantage to be gained by further delaying a future status process. The United Nations Security Council endorsed Eide’s recommendation, and in November 2005, United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan appointed Martti Ahtisaari, former president of Finland, to lead a future status process. That process is ongoing, and the Contact Group (United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, and Russia) has stated that every effort should be made to complete the process in the course of 2006.

A major focus of this process is the status of Kosovo’s minority communities, especially the Serbs. Following three days of widespread inter-ethnic violence in March 2004, the UN, NATO, and the international community enhanced their efforts to ensure a Kosovo that is safe for all communities. Currently, Kosovo’s Serb community suffers restricted freedom of movement and sporadic acts of inter-ethnic violence. After the war, more than 100,000 Serbs and other non-Albanian ethnic minorities fled Kosovo and many remain displaced. The international community has encouraged their return, although results have been minimal to date. The international community has also supported the decentralization of government as a measure to enhance Kosovo’s governance while addressing concerns of non-Albanian communities.

In November 2005, the Contact Group produced a set of “Guiding Principles” for the resolution of Kosovo’s future status. Some key principles included: no return to the situation prior to 1999, no changes in Kosovo’s borders, and no partition or union of Kosovo with a neighboring state. The Guiding Principles also maintain that any outcome of the status process must be acceptable to the people of Kosovo.

Legislature

The Serbian parliament is the lawmaking body of the Republic of Serbia.

Principal Government Officials

Last Updated: 8/1/2006

President: Boris TADIC

Prime Minister: Vojislav KOSTUNICA

Dep. Prime Min.: Ivana DULICMARKOVIC

Min. of Agriculture, Forestry, & Water Management: Goran ZIVKOV

Min. of Capital Investment: Velimir ILIC

Min. of Culture: Dragan KOJADINOVIC

Min. of Defense: Zoran STANKOVIC

Min. of Diaspora: Vojislav VUKCEVIC

Min. of Economy: Predrag BUBALO

Min. of Education & Sport: Slobodan VUKSANOVIC

Min. of Energy & Mining: Radomir NAUMOV

Min. of Finance: Mladjan DINKIC

Min. of Foreign Affairs: Vuk DRASKOVIC

Min. of Health: Tomica MILOSAVLJEVIC

Min. of Interior: Dragan JOCIC

Min. of International Economic Relations: Milan PARIVODIC

Min. of Justice: Zoran STOJKOVIC

Min. of Labor, Employment, & Social Affairs: Slobodan LALOVIC

Min. of Public Administration & Local Self-Government: Zoran LONCAR

Min. of Religion: Milan RADULOVIC

Min. of Science & Environmental Protection: Aleksandar POPOVIC

Min. of Trade, Tourism, & Services: Bojan DIMITRIJEVIC

Ambassador to the US: Ivan VUJACIC

Permanent Representative to the UN, New York: Pavle JEVREMOVIC

Serbia maintains an embassy in the United States at 2134 Kalorama Rd., NW, Washington, DC 20008 (tel. 202-332-0333).

DEFENSE

Military branches include the Army of Serbia, which includes ground forces with internal and border troops, and air and air defense forces, and Civil Defense. Civilians fit for military service are estimated at about 2,088,595 (2001 est.). The 2002 estimate for military expenditures as percentage of GDP is 3.6%. The Ministry of Defense has undertaken significant reform initiatives, which if continued, will help move Serbia closer to full Euro-Atlantic integration.

ECONOMY

Serbia’s economic progress since the fall of Milosevic has been substantial, with output up nearly 40% since 2000. The stable dinar, a budget surplus, and a restructured financial sector all demonstrate the success of stabilization policies. The short-term economic outlook for Serbia is positive, but enterprise restructuring and unemployment remain major challenges.

Growth in 2005 was a healthy 6.5%, and this pace continued through the first quarter of 2006. In 2006, inflation is projected to decline to about 12%, from last year’s 17.7%, mainly as a result of very tight monetary policy. The increase in industrial production of 6.5% in the first half of 2006, compared to the same period last year, is the highest in six years, and a welcome development after the stagynation of 2005. The current account deficit was 12.6% of GDP in 2005, but healthy export growth of more than 20% on an annual basis in 2006 suggests that the red ink will gradually recede. Foreign exchange reserves held by Serbia’s central bank skyrocketed to nearly U.S. $10.5 billion in August 2006, or an amount covering about 8 months of imports, based on large privatization receipts. The National Bank of Serbia pre-paid half of its U.S. $1 billion debt to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) during 2006.

In 2006, Serbia should record its best year yet with respect to foreign direct investment (FDI), but greenfield investment is still rare. A large part of the record U.S. $3.5 billion in FDI projected for 2006 was realized from the sale of the leading mobile telephone company to Norwegian company Telenor for Euro 1.5 billion. The Government of Serbia has also adopted a strategy for oil company NIS that calls for gradual privatization, with initial sale of a 25% stake and management control to a strategic investor.

The privatization of the banking sector has been completed, with over 70% of assets owned by foreigners. In the last major deal, National Bank of Greece signed a deal in September 2006 to buy Vojvodjanska Banka, Serbia’s sixth-largest bank by assets, for Euro 385 million.

While economic reform has been moving forward in many areas, enterprise sector reform is still halting. Privatization of the least attractive socially-owned companies, which still employ about 300,000 workers, has been left for the very last. They still place a drag on the economy via substantial fiscal and quasi-fiscal subsidies. Even successful privatization of socially-owned enterprises often means jobs losses, and this, together with the overall lack of greenfield investment, has driven unemployment to 20.8%.

While economic growth in Serbia continues at a healthy clip, this indicator alone may be misleading. Serbia is still far behind its neighbors, with GDP still only 60% of the level in 1989; production volumes have reached only 40% of that recorded when Serbia was part of the Yugoslav economy. Sectors such as textiles, motor vehicles, and electronic equipment have never recovered from the depression of the 1990s.

FOREIGN RELATIONS

From the breakup of the Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia in 1989, the foreign policy of the F.R.Y. was characterized primarily by a desire to secure its political and geopolitical position and the solidarity of ethnic Serbs in the Balkan region through a strong nationalist campaign. The F.R.Y. supported and exploited the expansion of violent conflicts—in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and its own province, Kosovo—in order to advance its policies. Since October 2000, Serbia has all but eliminated its nationalist rhetoric and has worked to stabilize and strengthen its bilateral relationships with neighboring countries. In 2002, F.R.Y. resolved its longstanding border dispute with Macedonia and established full diplomatic relations with its neighbor and former adversary Croatia.

Also in 2002, the F.R.Y. Government established a commission to coordinate cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and began serving warrants for the arrest of persons indicted for war crimes who sought refuge in the country. The crackdown on organized crime following the assassination of Serbian Prime Minister Djindjic also resulted in the apprehension and transfer to The Hague of several persons indicted for war crimes. In 2004 and 2005, a significant number of ICTY indictees surrendered to the Tribunal, but six persons indicted for war crimes—most notably Bosnian Serb General Ratko Mladic—remain at large and most are believed to be in Serbia and/or the Republika Srpska. Until they are all in The Hague, Serbia will not have met all of its ICTY obligations.

Immediately preceding the NATO bombing campaign of the F.R.Y. in spring 1999, the U.S. and most European countries severed relations with the F.R.Y., and the U.S. Embassy was closed. Since October 5, 2000, foreign embassies, including that of the U.S., have reopened, and Serbia, as the successor state to the F.R.Y., regained its seat in such international organizations as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the UN and is actively participating in International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank projects. In 2003, Serbia was admitted to the Council of Europe. Serbia has also indicated its desire to join the EU and NATO’s Partnership for Peace. Both NATO and the EU have made full ICTY cooperation a prerequisite for Serbia’s increased cooperation with these organizations. Negotiations with the EU on a Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA)—the first step toward eventual accession—began after a positive feasibility study in April 2005. Despite two rounds of successful technical talks, the EU suspended talks in May 2006, citing a lack of movement by Serbia on apprehending Mladic and other indictees. Lack of ICTY compliance has also prevented Serbia’s entry into Partnership for Peace.

Foreign Aid

Prior to 1999, Belgrade received no foreign aid from the United States or western European countries. Since the fall of Milosevic in October 2000, however, European Union aid has steadily increased, and the U.S. also gives aid to Serbia, though there are congressional restrictions based on Serbia’s need to meet its international obligations to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Most recently, in May 2006, Secretary Rice did not certify that Serbia was cooperating with the ICTY, suspending approximately $7 million of aid for fiscal year 2006.

U.S.-SERBIA RELATIONS

At the outset of hostilities between NATO and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the spring of 1999, the United States and the F.R.Y. severed diplomatic relations. In response to the events of October 2000, the following month the United States reestablished a diplomatic presence. The U.S. Embassy formally reopened in May 2001. The Serbia Embassy in Washington and the U.S. Embassy in Belgrade have reestablished bilateral relations and provide a full range of consular services. Serbia currently enjoys good diplomatic relations with all of its neighbors.

Principal U.S. Embassy Officials

BELGRADE (E) Address: Kneza Milosa 50; Phone: 381-11-361-9344; Fax: 381-11-361-8230; Workweek: 8:00 to 5:00 GMT+1; Web site: belgrade.usembassy.gov.

AMB:Michael C. Polt
AMB OMS:Hillaire A. Campbell
DCM:Roderick W. Moore
DCM OMS:Kevin Phillips
CG:Carolyn Gorman
POL:Gustavo Delgado
COM:Maria Andrews
MGT:Thatcher Scharpf
AFSA:Rebecca Ross
AGR:Hassan Ahmed
CLO:Patricia Lopez
DAO:Col. Mark Easton
ECO:Mark Bocchetti
EEO:John Johnson
FCS:Maria Andrews
FMO:Jon Post
GSO:Valeria Kayatin
ICASS Chair:Ian Campbell
IMO:Calvin M. McQueen
IPO:Amy Canon
IRS:Kathy J. Beck (resident in Paris)
ISO:Timothy DeMerse
ISSO:Timothy DeMerse
PAO:Susan M. Elbow
RSO:Neil MacNeil
State ICASS:Ian Campbell

Last Updated: 1/26/2007

TRAVEL

Consular Information Sheet : February 21, 2007

Country Description: Serbia is a country that continues to undergo political changes. Following a May 21, 2006 referendum, Montenegro declared independence and the name of the country changed from Serbia and Montenegro to the Republic of Serbia, with the Republic of Montenegro now a separate state. This change has had minimal impact on foreign travelers.

Tourist facilities are widely available within Serbia but vary in quality. Some facilities may not be up to western standards.

The security environment, travel situation and entry requirements for Kosovo, which is currently administered by the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), may differ from the rest of Serbia.

Entry Requirements: U.S. citizens with tourist, official, or diplomatic passports do not require a visa for entry and stay in Serbia for up to 90 days. Individuals planning to stay longer than 90 days should obtain a visa prior to arrival. This applies to bearers of all types of U.S. passports – tourist, official and diplomatic. To obtain a visa, travelers should contact the Serbian Embassy in Washington at telephone (202) 332-0333 or fax (202) 332-3933. The address of the Embassy is 2134 Kalorama Road, Washington, DC 20008 and the website is http://www.mfa.gov.yu. Alternatively, travelers may also contact the Consulate General in Chicago at telephone (312) 670-6707 or fax (312) 670-6787 or by email at [email protected] The address of the Chicago Consulate is 201 East Ohio St., Suite 200, Chicago, Illinois 60611.

Travelers who obtain a new passport while in Serbia and do not have a prior passport or other evidence of their entry (for example, in cases of a lost or stolen passport or a child born in Serbia) will not be allowed to depart the country without an exit visa obtained from the Ministry of Interior. Similarly, travelers who use a different country’s passport to enter than to exit (for example, entering with a Serbian passport or Serbian “National ID Card” and attempting to exit with a U.S. passport) are likely to have difficulty exiting Serbia due to the lack of an entry stamp in their passport. Note that since its independence from the Republic of Serbia in 2006, the Republic of Montenegro is a separate country with its own immigration requirements.

Travelers who enter Serbia with more than the equivalent of 5,000 euros in cash are required to declare all currency upon entry and must obtain from customs officials a declaration that must be presented at departure. Failure to comply may result in the confiscation of all funds.

Registration with Local Authorities: Visitors staying in private accommodations must register with the police station responsible for the area in which they are staying within 24 hours of arrival. Failure to comply may result in a fine, incarceration, and/or expulsion. Persons who fail to register may face difficulties in departing the country. Visitors staying in hotels or tourist facilities are automatically registered with the police by the hotel. Additional information about visa requirements and the obligation of foreigners to register their location is available from the Government of Serbia at http://www.mup.sr.gov.yu.

Safety and Security: Occasional demonstrations occur. Even demonstrations intended to be peaceful have the potential to turn into confrontational situations and possibly escalate into violence. U.S. citizens traveling or residing in Serbia should take common sense precautions to avoid demonstrations and to be aware of heightened security and potential delays when they occur. Anti-American sentiment tends to be highest surrounding the anniversary dates of the 1999 NATO bombing campaign or during times of unusually high tension in Kosovo. In some instances, Serb victories in high profile international sports events have triggered demonstrations. Most demonstrations have been peaceful or were marked by only low levels of violence.

There are yearly (though sporadic) reports of automobiles with foreign license plates being targeted for armed robbery along the administrative boundary between Serbia and Kosovo. U.S. Government employees traveling on official business in that region travel with fully armored vehicles. In addition, travelers should be aware that the situation in Southern Serbia might change quickly. Persons contemplating travel in Southern Serbia near the Kosovo boundary should register and check in with the U.S. Embassy for the latest information. Local Belgrade nightclubs are becoming increasingly popular with foreign tourists. Patrons should be aware that these establishments can be crowded and may not comply with Western standards for occupancy control and fire safety.

For the latest security information, Americans traveling abroad should regularly monitor the Department’s Internet web site, where the current Worldwide Caution Public Announcement, Travel Warnings and Public Announcements can be found. Up to date information on security can also be obtained by calling 1-888-407-4747 toll free in the U.S., or, for callers outside the U.S. and Canada, a regular toll line at 1-202-501-4444. These numbers are available from 8:00 a.m. to 8:00 p.m. Eastern Time, Monday through Friday (except U.S. federal holidays.

Crime: Street crime is at a level similar to other large European cities. Difficult economic conditions have led to the growth of an organized criminal class. Violent crime is most commonly associated with organized crime activities. While confrontational and gratuitously violent crimes rarely target tourists, Mafia-style reprisals have sometimes occurred, including in hotels, restaurants and shops. Theft and carjacking, especially of “Volkswagen” brand cars, four-wheel drive vehicles and luxury cars, occur at all times of day or night and in all sections of Belgrade and other parts of the country. As in other parts of the world, travelers should be especially on guard walking in city centers. In case of emergency, the police telephone number is 92.

Information for Victims of Crime: The loss or theft abroad of a U.S. passport should be reported immediately to the local police and the nearest U.S. Embassy or Consulate. If you are the victim of a crime while overseas, in addition to reporting to local police, please contact the nearest U.S. Embassy or Consulate for assistance. The Embassy or Consulate staff can, for example, assist you to find appropriate medical care, to contact family members or friends and explain how funds could be transferred. Although the investigation and prosecution of the crime is solely the responsibility of local authorities, consular officers can help you to understand the local criminal justice process and to find an attorney if needed.

Medical Facilities and Health Information: Although many physicians in Serbia are highly trained, hospitals, clinics, and ambulances are generally not equipped and maintained to Western standards. Medicines and basic medical supplies are largely obtainable in privately owned pharmacies. Hospitals usually require payment in cash for all services.

Information on vaccinations and other health precautions, such as safe food and water precautions and insect bite protection, may be obtained from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s hotline for international travelers at 1-877-FYI-TRIP (1-877-394-8747) or via the CDC’s Internet site at http://www.cdc.gov/travel. For information about outbreaks of infectious diseases abroad consult the World Health Organization’s (WHO) website at http://www.who.int/en. Further health information for travelers is available at http://www.who.int/ith/en.

Medical Insurance: The Department of State strongly urges Americans to consult with their medical insurance company prior to traveling abroad to confirm whether their policy applies overseas and whether it will cover emergency expenses such as a medical evacuation.

Traffic Safety and Road Conditions: While in a foreign country, U.S. citizens may encounter road conditions that differ significantly from those in the United States. The information below concerning Serbia is provided for general reference only, and may not be totally accurate in a particular location or circumstance.

Roads in Serbia are often poorly maintained, especially in rural areas. During winter months, fog can obscure visibility while driving. Fog is extremely heavy in Vojvodina, between Belgrade and the border with Hungary.

Road tolls for foreign-registered vehicles remain high. The use of seat belts is mandatory. A driver with a blood alcohol level higher than 0.05 is considered intoxicated. Roadside assistance is available by dialing 987. Other emergency numbers are police: 92, fire department: 93, and ambulance: 94.

Metered taxi service is safe and reasonably priced, although foreigners are sometimes charged higher rates. Buses and trams are overcrowded in Belgrade and in other areas of Serbia and are poorly maintained.

More specific information concerning Serbian driving permits, vehicle inspection, road tax and mandatory insurance in the Serbian language from Serbian Automotive Association can be found at http://www.amss.org.yu. Some general information about driving conditions is available in English at the Belgrade Tourism Organization’s website: http://www.tob.co.yu/english/index.html and http://www.tob.co.yu

Aviation Safety Oversight: The U.S. Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) has assessed the Government of Serbia’s Civil Aviation Authority as not being in compliance with International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) aviation safety standards for oversight of Serbia’s air carrier operations. For more information, travelers may visit the FAA’s website at http://www.faa.gov.

Special Circumstances: Travelers entering Serbia with more than 5,000 Euros in cash are required to declare all currency upon entry and obtain from customs officials a declaration form that must be presented at departure. Failure to comply may result in the confiscation of all funds. The U.S. Embassy has been contacted by many American citizens who have failed to comply with this requirement and consequently had thousands of dollars seized by the Government of Serbia. It is advisable to contact the Embassy of Serbia in Washington for specific information regarding customs requirements.

Dual U.S./Serbian nationals need to be aware that they may be subject to laws that impose special obligations on Serbian citizens. Serbian males between the ages of 18 and 27 are required by law to perform military service. This applies to any individual whom the authorities consider to be Serbian -regardless of whether or not the individual considers himself Serbian, has a foreign citizenship and passport, or was born or lives outside of Serbia. If remaining in Serbia for more than the 90 day period permitted for tourism or business, men of Serbian descent may be prevented from leaving until they complete their military obligations or receive a waiver. Obligatory non-voluntary military service in Serbia will not affect U.S. citizenship. Specific questions on this subject should be addressed to the citizenship section of the U.S. Embassy in Belgrade. For additional general information, see our Citizenship and Nationality information.

Additional information is available from the Government of Serbia at http://www.mod.gov.yu/000english/01%20index-e.htm.

Criminal Penalties: While in a foreign country, a U.S. citizen is subject to that country’s laws and regulations, which sometimes differ significantly from those in the United States and may not afford the protections available to the individual under U.S. law. Penalties for breaking the law can be more severe than in the United States for similar offenses. Persons violating Serbian laws, even unknowingly, may be expelled, arrested or imprisoned. Penalties for possession, use, or trafficking in illegal drugs in Serbia are strict and convicted offenders can expect jail sentences and heavy fines. Engaging in sexual conduct with children or using or disseminating child pornography in a foreign country is a crime, prosecutable in the United States.

Children’s Issues: For information on international adoption of children and international parental child abduction, see the Office of Children’s Issues website at http://travel.state.gov/family/family_1732.html.

Registration/Embassy and Consulate Locations: Americans living in or traveling in Serbia are encouraged to register with the nearest U.S. Embassy of Consulate through the State Department’s travel registration website, and to obtain updated information on travel and security with Serbia. Americans without Internet access may register directly with the nearest U.S. Embassy or Consulate. By registering, American citizens make it easier for the Embassy or Consulate to contact them in case of emergency. The U.S. Embassy in Belgrade is located at 50 Kneza Milosa Street. The Embassy and consular section telephone number is 381-11-3619-344, and the same number should be used for after hour emergencies. The Consular Section fax number is 381-11-3615-989. The website is http://belgrade.usembassy.gov/.

Kosovo

Description: Kosovo is a region administered under the civil authority of the U.N. Interim Administrative Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) pursuant to U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244, pending future resolution of its status. At this time, some civilian institutions, including the criminal justice system, are not functioning at a level consistent with Western standards. Kosovo is a cash economy. The currency used throughout Kosovo is the euro.

Entry and Exit Requirements: U.S. citizens need a passport to enter Kosovo. No visa is required by UNMIK, but visitors may be required to produce documentation to demonstrate the purpose of their visit. Generally, visitors allowed to enter Kosovo will be permitted to stay for up to 90 days. Persons who wish to prolong their stay beyond 90 days will need to register at the Office for Registration of Foreigners, located in the Main Police Headquarters in Pristina. Entry to Serbia from Kosovo should not be attempted without a valid Serbian entry stamp from a Serbia border crossing post. Serbia does not recognize entry stamps from UNMIK border sites, including Pristina Airport, to be valid. For more information on UNMIK regulations on the movement of people, see www.unmikonline.org/.

Safety and Security: The NATO-led Kosovo Force (KFOR) troops along with international and local police are responsible for security and stability in Kosovo. Although the overall security situation has improved, inter-ethnic tensions and sporadic incidents of violence continue to occur.

In March 2004, Kosovo experienced three days of widespread inter-ethnic violence, including several incidents in the capital of Pristina. This outbreak resulted in 20 deaths, hundreds of injuries, and displaced approximately 4,000 individuals. Since those riots, there has been no resumption of serious violence, although the atmosphere remains tense particularly as U.N.-led status talks move to conclusion.

Americans should avoid demonstrations and other sites, such as roadblocks, where large crowds are gathered, particularly those involving political/ethnic causes or striking workers.

High unemployment and other economic factors have encouraged criminal activity. While de-mining programs have proven effective, unexploded ordnance and mines remain in some areas. The reliability of telecommunications, electric and water systems remains unpredictable. Travel by U.S. Government officials to some areas of Kosovo that have experienced recent ethnic violence is subject to restrictions.

Medical Facilities: Health facilities are limited, and medications are in short supply. KFOR cannot provide basic health care to non-military personnel, nor can they provide medical evacuation out of Kosovo. The Department of State strongly urges Americans to consult with their medical insurance company prior to traveling abroad to confirm whether their policy applies overseas and whether it will cover emergency expenses such as a medical evacuation.

Crime: Street crimes, in particular theft and purse snatchings, are serious problems in Kosovo, especially Pristina. Foreigners are targets for crime, as they are assumed to carry cash. Likewise, foreigners’ homes, vehicles and international non-governmental organization (NGO) offices have been subject to burglaries. The loss or theft of a U.S. passport should be reported immediately to the local police and the U.S. Office in Pristina. While the U.S. Office cannot directly issue new passports, it will assist with arrangements for applying for a new passport in Skopje, Macedonia.

Emergency numbers in Pristina are Police: 92; Fire Department: 93; and Ambulance: 94. For information on other areas contact the U.S. Office in Pristina.

The UNMIK police force is a contingent of international officers who are working alongside local officers to carry out most normal police functions. The judicial system is still developing under the oversight of UNMIK.

Aviation Safety Oversight: As there is no direct commercial air service between the United States and Kosovo, the U.S. Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) has not assessed Kosovo’s Civil Aviation Authority for compliance with International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) aviation safety standards. For more information, travelers may visit the FAA’s website at http://www.faa.gov.

Traffic Safety and Road Conditions: Road conditions can be extremely hazardous because roads are narrow, crowded, and used by a variety of vehicles, from KFOR armored personnel carriers to horse drawn carts. Many vehicles are old and lack standard front or rear lights. Mountain roads can be narrow, poorly marked, and lack guardrails. They quickly become dangerous in inclement weather.

It is strongly recommended that Americans in Kosovo have vehicles that are registered outside of Kosovo, to prevent problems in the event of an evacuation, as Kosovo license plates may not be accepted in neighboring countries.

The use of seat belts is mandatory. A driver with a blood alcohol level higher than 0.05 is considered intoxicated. Travelers entering Kosovo by road should be aware that the purchase of local third-party insurance is required.

Special Circumstances: Banking services are available in Pristina and other major towns, although they are not fully developed. There are now a number of banks with international ties that offer limited banking services, including Automated Teller Machines, in Pristina and other major towns. If it becomes necessary to receive emergency funds from abroad, Western Union has offices throughout Kosovo.

Registration/Embassy and Consulate Locations: Americans living in or traveling in Kosovo are encouraged to register with the nearest U.S. Embassy or Consulate through the State Department’s travel registration website, and to obtain updated information on travel and security with Kosovo. Americans without Internet access may register directly with the nearest U.S. Embassy or Consulate. By registering, American citizens make it easier for the Embassy or Consulate to contact them in case of emergency. U.S. citizens are encouraged to register at the U.S. Office in Pristina and obtain updated information on travel and security in Kosovo. At this time the U.S. Office in Pristina provides only emergency services to American citizens. The U.S. Embassy in Skopje, Macedonia provides all routine consular services such as passport and visa processing. The U.S. Office is located at 30 Nazim Hikmet St. in the Dragodan area of Pristina. The telephone number is (381) 38-549-516, e-mail: [email protected] The website is http://pristina.usmission.gov/.

International Adoption—Kosovo : February 2007

The information below has been edited from a report of the State Department Bureau of Consular Affairs, Office of Overseas Citizens Services. For more information, please read the International Adoption section of this book and review current reports online at www.travel.state.gov/family.

Disclaimer: The information in this flyer relating to the legal requirements of specific foreign countries is based on public sources and current understanding. Questions involving foreign and U.S. immigration laws and legal interpretation should be addressed respectively to qualified foreign or U.S. legal counsel.

Please Note: Kosovo remains part of Serbia and Montenegro but is governed by the UN Mission in Kosovo. (Kosovo also has local provisional institutions of government that fall under the ultimate authority of the UN.) The United States has an office in Pristina that provides limited services to U.S. citizens in Kosovo. Immigrant visa applications for Kosovars are processed at the U.S. Embassy in Skopje, Macedonia.

Patterns of Immigration: In Fiscal Year 2005, the U.S. Embassy in Belgrade issued just eight orphan immigrant visas. Because U.S. immigrant visa statistics for orphans do not distinguish between Kosovars and other residents of Serbia and Montenegro, it is not possible to know whether any of the children were from Kosovo.

Adoption Authority:
Adoption Coordinator
Social Services Division
Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare
011-038-504-604-4680 (Monday–
Thursday; callers must speak Albanian)

Adoptive parents may also contact the Centers for Social Work in the municipality from where they are adopting after first establishing contact with the adoption coordinator in Pristina.

Eligibility Requirements for Adoptive Parents: Prospective adoptive parents must first be approved to adopt by their home countries. For U.S. citizens, this means obtaining an approved I-600A from the local office of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) covering their U.S. residence. At this time, Kosovo has not established any age or civil status requirements although it is preferred that at least one of the prospective adoptive parents be not older than 55 years. Kosovo authorities have not identified any medical ineligibilities that would disqualify prospective adoptive parents.

Residency Requirements: There are no residency requirements for intercountry adoption.

Time Frame: As the U.S. Government is unaware of any completed intercountry adoptions from Kosovo, it is not possible to estimate how long such an adoption would take.

Adoption Agencies and Attorneys: There are no known U.S. adoption agencies that are allowed to operate in Kosovo. Adoptive parents must work directly with the Adoption Coordinator.

Adoption Fees: IN Kosovo: Authorities in Kosovo have not established any fees related to adoption services.

Adoption Procedures: The Center for Social Welfare (CSW) in each municipality actively searches for a Kosovar family permanently residing in Kosovo to adopt a child in need of a family. The CSW tries to find a family with the same ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic background as the child. After efforts to locate a family in each of the 31 municipalities are exhausted, the child is then referred to the Intercountry Adoption Board for approval for the child to be adopted internationally. Prospective adoptive parents must submit all documentation to the Social Services Division at the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare, where they will be entered into a database. Parents and children are matched based on the needs of the child. After an initial match is made, the prospective adoptive parents can communicate with their prospective adoptive child. If the match is successful, it will be reviewed and approved by the Adoption Board. After receiving Adoption Board approval, the CSW will complete adoption requirements and issue an adoption decree. Adoptive parents are required to travel to Kosovo to complete adoption requirements such as signing documents and applying for birth certificates, etc.

Documentary Requirements:

  • Written request for adoption – signed by both spouses;
  • Marriage certificate;
  • Birth certificate for each spouse;
  • Identification document (true copy of ID and passport, issued by State or Federal government agency) for both spouses;
  • Proof of Nationality;
  • Medical certificate regarding health condition and adoption capability – for both spouses, i.e. general health, illnesses that might impact on ones ability to care for a child;
  • Evidence of economic condition (i.e. property ownership, bank statements);
  • Letter of employment and with salary or income information (for both spouses, if applicable);
  • Statement from local police authorities that applicants have no criminal record;
  • Certificate from a competent authority certifying that parental rights have never been taken away from either spouse;
  • Home Study by competent adoption authority in the parents’ place of residence.

All documents must be translated into Albanian or Serbian (depending on the place of origin for the child). If a child’s nationality is unknown, then documents only need to be translated into Albanian.

U.S. Immigration Requirements: Prospective adopting parents are strongly encouraged to consult U.S. CIS publication M-249, The Immigration of Adopted and Prospective Adopting Children, as well as the Department of State publication, International Adoptions. Please see the International Adoption section of this book for more details and review current reports online at www.travel.state.gov/family.

U.S. Office in Kosovo:
Dragodan-Arbëria, Nazim Hikmet
30, Pristina
Tel: + 381 38 549 516
Fax: + 381 38 548 614
e-mail: [email protected]
http://pristina.usmission.gov

Additional Information: Specific questions about adoption in Kosovo may be addressed to the U.S. Office in Kosovo. General questions regarding international adoption may be addressed to the Office of Children’s Issues, U.S. Department of State, CA/OCS/CI, SA-29, 4th Floor, 2201 C Street, NW, Washington, D.C. 20520-4818, toll-free Tel: 1-888-407-4747.

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Serbia

Serbia

Type of Government

Serbia is a republic with a parliamentary form of government. Its parliament is the unicameral (one-house) National Assembly. The executive branch is headed by the prime minister, the cabinet, and the president, while the court system is headed by both a Supreme Court and a separate Constitutional Court.

Background

The first Serbs settled in what is now Serbia in the seventh century AD. For several centuries these Serbs lived in small clans that were under the rule of the Byzantine Empire, but in the twelfth century the chief of one clan, Stefan Nemanja (1109–1199), began conquering the neighboring clans, declared independence from the Byzantines, and created the first unified Serbia. Nemanja’s descendants continued to expand Serbia’s territories and to strengthen Serbia’s position in relation to its more powerful neighbors, and in the following 150 years Serbia had its “golden age.” By 1350 the Serbs ruled not only modern-day Serbia, but also modern-day Albania, Macedonia, and much of modern-day Greece.

This golden age began to decline in the mid-fourteenth century, when the Ottoman Turks began expanding their empire into the Balkan peninsula. It took more than one hundred years—from 1345 to 1459—for the Turks to completely conquer Serbia, but the majority of the Serbian resistance was broken at the Battle of Kosovo in 1389. This battle became the heart of Serbia’s national legends in the following years. Serbian writers composed epics about the heroes who died there, and even today Serbia celebrates its national holiday on the anniversary of the battle, on June 28.

Most of modern-day Serbia remained under the Ottoman’s harsh rule until the nineteenth century. (The exception was the Vojvodina region, an area settled by ethnic Serbs that was ruled by the Hungarian Empire.) Serbia finally won its independence in 1878, and in 1912 it defeated the Ottoman Empire again and won Kosovo and Macedonia.

Serbia’s growing size and power concerned the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which ruled Vojvodina (roughly the northern quarter of modern-day Serbia) and modern-day Bosnia and Croatia. Several secret societies formed in Serbia that were dedicated to promoting Serbian nationalism and expanding Serbian territory, generally at the expense of Austria-Hungary. When a Bosnian student who was affiliated with one of these secret societies assassinated an Austrian archduke in 1914, Austria-Hungary used the provocation as an excuse to declare war on Serbia.

Austria’s declaration of war on Serbia sparked World War I, which ultimately resulted in the defeat of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and its allies. As the war was nearing an end in 1918, it seemed likely that Austria-Hungary’s Balkan territories would receive their independence, and Serbia convinced the about-to-be-independent Slovenes and Croats to join Serbia in a new country that would unite all of the South Slavic (“Yugoslav”) peoples. On December 1, 1918, the Serbian Prince Aleksandar proclaimed the founding of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. (Despite the country’s name, it also included Bosnia.) It changed its name to Yugoslavia in 1929.

Politics in Yugoslavia were extremely unsettled between the world wars. Serbia wanted Yugoslavia to be a centralized country where Serbians dominated, but Croats and Slovenes wanted more autonomy. The fighting between Serbs and Croats over the organization of Yugoslavia became bloody after 1928, when a Serbian member of parliament shot five Croatian representatives, and Croatians clashed with the Serbian authorities in the streets.

Ethnic strife in Yugoslavia only worsened during World War II. Yugoslavia was conquered by Nazi Germany and its allies in 1941 and divided up among them. Serbia and Croatia (which absorbed Bosnia) became nominally independent, but both were actually German puppet states. Ethnic Serbs were heavily involved in fighting in both Serbia and Croatia. A Nazi-allied Croatian militant group, the Ustase, set out to ethnically cleanse Croatia by killing the country’s ethnic minorities, of which the largest was Serbs. Between three hundred thousand and five hundred thousand ethnic Serbs were killed by the Ustase. At the same time, two separate militant groups were fighting against the Nazis and the Ustase: the purely Serbian Chetniks and the multiethnic Partisans. The Chetniks were fighting to protect ethnic Serbs from the Ustase and to restore the prewar, Serbian-controlled Yugoslavia, while the Partisans, who were backed by the Communists, wanted to take over Yugoslavia and turn it into a Communist country. Because of their differing goals, the Chetniks and the Partisans wound up fighting against each other, and the Chetniks were also involved in massacring Bosnian Muslims. By the end of the war more than one million Yugoslavs were dead (including more than half a million Serbs) and the Partisans, led by Josip Broz Tito (1892–1980) were in control of a reunited Yugoslavia.

The government of Tito’s Yugoslavia was still dominated by ethnic Serbs (much to the displeasure of the other ethnic groups, Croats in particular), but Tito encouraged people to think of themselves as Yugoslav rather than as Serbs or Croats in order to reduce ethnic tensions. This policy had mixed success, but during his lifetime Tito had sufficient control over the country to suppress nationalist movements in Yugoslavia. After Tito died in 1980, however, Yugoslavia began to unravel.

Slobodan Milosevic (1941–2006) became the head of the Serbian Communist Party in 1986. He incorporated a robust Serbian nationalism into the party’s platform and cracked down on dissent both inside and outside of the party. When the Communist system collapsed across Eastern Europe in 1989, Milosevic smoothly transformed the Serbian Communist party into a nationalist party, under the name the Socialist Party of Serbia, that was fully loyal to himself.

The other Yugoslav republics, particularly Slovenia and Croatia, were extremely concerned by Milosevic’s rhetoric. In the late 1980s they began pushing for more autonomy within Yugoslavia, and in June 1991 both declared independence from Yugoslavia. Macedonia followed that November, and Bosnia and Herzegovina declared its independence the next year. Later in 1992 Serbia and Montenegro also became independent and signed a new constitution, changing Yugoslavia from the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to simply the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The joint state abandoned the Yugoslavia name in 2003, adopting the name Serbia and Montenegro, but when Montenegro declared its independence from Serbia in 2006, the separate nations were then known by their respective names.

Government Structure

Serbia is a republic with a parliamentary form of government. Legislative authority in the country is vested in the 250-seat National Assembly, whose members are elected by the people to four-year terms. Once the National Assembly has been elected, it elects a prime minister and the “government,” or cabinet, which exercises the majority of executive power in Serbia. Serbia also has a president, but this position is largely ceremonial. The president’s main duties are to represent Serbia abroad and to serve as commander-in-chief of the armed forces. The president is elected directly by the people to a five-year term of office.

There are several levels of courts in Serbia, from municipal courts at the lowest level, through district and appellate courts, to the Supreme Court at the highest level. The Supreme Court of Serbia hears appeals from the lower courts, settles jurisdictional disputes between lower courts, and oversees the judges who are employed by the Serbian judicial system. The Supreme Court is a large body with several dozen judges who are divided into four divisions: the case law division, the administrative division, the civil division, and the criminal division. The criminal division is further divided into a war crimes panel, a juvenile delinquency panel, a special division for organized crime-related cases, and a division for cases involving the military. Serbia also has a separate Constitutional Court, which is not part of the regular judicial system, that determines whether or not the laws and actions of the Serbian government contradict the Serbian constitution.

The province of Kosovo within Serbia has its own government that is independent from the Serbian government. Kosovo is also a parliamentary democracy, with a parliament, prime minister, president, and judicial system. The Kosovar parliament is the Assembly, a unicameral parliament with 120 representatives who serve three-year terms. One hundred representatives are elected directly by the people; the remaining twenty are elected to represent minority ethnic groups in Kosovo. The Assembly elects Kosovo’s president (who also serves a three-year term), prime minister, and cabinet. The Kosovar judicial system is under the control of UNMIK, the United Nations mission that is currently administering Kosovo. Before December 2004 UNMIK appointed all of the judges in Kosovo. Since December 2004, when the Kosovar Ministry of Justice was created, UNMIK has slowly been transferring oversight of the judicial system to that ministry.

Political Parties and Factions

The three largest political parties in Serbia are the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), the Democratic Party (DS), and the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS). These three parties won more than three-quarters of the seats in the 2007 parliamentary elections. As of 2007, DS, DSS, and the smaller G17 Plus party governed in coalition.

DS is a moderately nationalistic social democratic party that has been a major player in Serbian politics since 1993. The party and its leader, a former philosophy professor named Zoran Djindjic (1952–2003), were actively involved in bringing down Milosevic as president of Serbia in 2000. Djindjic became prime minister early in 2001, and later that year he agreed to turn Milosevic over to the war crimes tribunal at The Hague, Netherlands. Serbian radicals assassinated Djindjic in 2003 in protest of this decision. Despite this, DS has continued to support a policy of cooperating with the international war crimes tribunal and of strengthening ties with the rest of Europe. In European politics, the party is affiliated with the Socialist International.

DSS is a moderately right-wing, nationalist party that advocates liberal economic policies and conservative social policies. The party is critical of NATO, of Western intervention in the former Yugoslavia, and of DS’s cooperation with the war crimes tribunal in The Hague. In addition, some of its members have expressed support for expanding Serbia’s borders and creating a Greater Serbia. However, the party firmly supports democracy, and its leader, Vojislav Kostunica (1944–), has a reputation for honesty and integrity that is rare in Serbian politics. Kostunica was president of Serbia from 2000 until 2003 and became prime minister in 2004.

Although SRS is the largest single party in the parliament, with eighty-one seats, it is not part of the governing coalition. This party is extremely nationalistic, advocating for Serbia to reconquer all of the territory it has ever possessed, from the northernmost reaches of Croatia all the way into Greece. SRS also opposes sending accused war criminals from Serbia to The Hague to be tried by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. One of the two cofounders of SRS, Vojislav Seselj (1954–), has been accused of war crimes and is at The Hague awaiting trial.

Notable minor parties include G17 Plus (with nineteen parliamentary seats) and the Socialist Party of Serbia (with sixteen seats). Some minority ethnic groups also have their own political parties. These include the Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians, with three seats in the parliament, and two parties representing Roma (Gypsies), with one seat apiece.

Major Events

Serbia reacted violently to the dissolution of Yugoslavia. It fought a ten-day-long war with Slovenia immediately after Slovenia declared its independence, but Serbia soon admitted defeat. Serbia was more tenacious with Croatia and Bosnia. When those two republics declared their independences, Milosevic and the Yugoslav National Army (which was heavily dominated by Serbs) threw their support behind ethnic Serbs in those countries who fought to rejoin Serbia. The resulting wars were marked by ethnic cleansing, the indiscriminate shelling of civilian populations, and other war crimes. Although none of the three sides (Serb, Croat, and Bosnian) was completely innocent, the majority of these war crimes were carried out by Serbs. The wars in Croatia and Bosnia were both ended by the Dayton Peace Accords in 1995.

Serbia then fought another war in Kosovo, the majority ethnic Albanian province in southwestern Serbia. The Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) began fighting for independence for the province in 1997. The Serbian security forces struck back harshly, and international concern began to mount that Serbia planned to repeat the ethnic cleansing of Bosnia in Kosovo. In 1999, after negotiations to end the conflict had failed, NATO began an aerial bombing campaign against Serbia. The bombing continued for seventy-eight days until Serbia was forced to concede defeat. By that time well over half a million Kosovars had become refugees in Albania and Macedonia.

Twenty-First Century

One major issue facing Serbia is the fate of Kosovo. Kosovo has been governed by the United Nations since the end of the war in 1999, and the final status of the province has remained an open question. By 2007 the Kosovars had grown tired of dragged-out negotiations about their future and announced that they would declare independence by the end of the year. The Serbian government has declared an independent Kosovo “unacceptable,” but it is unclear what Serbia will do if Kosovo should declare independence unilaterally.

Benson, Leslie. Yugoslavia: A Concise History . New York: Palgrave, 2001.

European Forum for Democracy and Solidarity. “Serbia Update.” (accessed August 13, 2007).

Supreme Court of Serbia . (accessed August 16, 2007).

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Serbia

SERBIA

the serbian revolution
role of the serbian orthodox church in the national movement
internal political life
limiting absolute rule
economy and society
cultural life
external politics
bibliography

The fully independent Kingdom of Serbia that went to war in 1914 entered the nineteenth century as an Ottoman territory called the Pashalik of Belgrade. During the course of its struggle for national independence, which began with the Serbian Revolution in 1804, Serbia underwent significant political, social, cultural, and, to a lesser degree, economic transformation.

the serbian revolution

The Serbian Revolution did not begin as an independence movement. In fact, most Serbs were content with their condition under Ottoman rule. In the Ottoman feudal system, the Serbian peasant was not a serf. Serbs did have to pay taxes, including a tithe in kind and a head tax on Christian males. But they owned their own land from which they could move and which they could manage as they pleased. The Serbian population lived in villages in the countryside. The villages were composed of zadrugas, households of two or more closely related families that communally owned, produced, and consumed their livelihood. This system allowed greater economic production through division of labor, and greater economic and personal security. The villages were organized into districts under the leadership of a knez, who collected taxes for the Ottoman feudal landlords (sipahis), who resided in the towns. Thus, the Serbian community had a degree of autonomy under their own notables, who were either elected or appointed from among the wealthier peasants, and only limited contact with Ottoman authorities during rent collection or inspection times. The church or district leaders also had jurisdiction over Serbs for all crimes that did not involve a Muslim or the Ottoman state. In 1793 and 1794 the Ottoman sultan passed a series of reforms granting Serbs greater self-government and limited Ottoman interference in their affairs. He also allowed the Serbs to construct new churches and gave Serbian knezes the exclusive right to collect taxes.

Several changes in the conditions of the Ottoman Empire in the eighteenth century had paved the way for national revolution, most significantly the disintegration of the Ottoman feudal system, internal opposition to the sultan by the elite Janissary corps of the army, and increasing secularization. As Ottoman central authority weakened and the Porte (Ottoman government) increasingly failed to maintain discipline in its ranks, this system of rule began to collapse. Defying the rule of the pasha of Belgrade, the sultan's direct representative in the pashalik, sipahis became increasingly corrupt. Furthermore, unruly Janissaries went to the countryside and seized lands from the Serbian peasants and took rent in addition to what the Serbs already paid to their landlords. They essentially forced Serbian free, landowning peasants into the position of serfs. Thus it was not against the sultan that the Serbs revolted, but against the corrupt and coercive local Ottoman authorities who threatened to divest the Serbs of rights that the sultan had granted them. In fact, the Serbs and the sultan had a common enemy in the Janissaries, who had transformed from an elite fighting unit into an undisciplined, defiant group of mercenaries over which the Porte could no longer effectively exert authority. In fact, the Janissaries who were present in the Pashalik of Belgrade had been sent there by the sultan in his effort to distance their opposition from the capital of Istanbul.

In response to Serbian calls for help, the sultan sent a new pasha to Belgrade, Hadži Mustafa. He was so beloved by the Serbs that they called him the "Mother of the Serbs." In 1797, when the Janissaries went on the offensive, Hadži Mustafa, financially supported the raising of a popular Serbian militia of fifteen thousand Serbian men commanded by Serbian officers. This policy of using Christians to combat unruly Janissaries was wildly unpopular among Muslims. The Janissaries also found a patron, Osman Pasvan-Oglu, Pasha of Vidin, whose support helped them conquer Belgrade and drive out Hadži Mustafa, whom they beheaded for supporting the Serbs. Following their victory, four Janissaries rose to power and called themselves the dahi (the title for Janissary officers). The dahi regime revoked all of the Serbs' autonomous rights. The Serbs planned to revolt against this new regime, and in order to prevent an uprising, the dahis carried out a massacre of Serbian leaders in 1804. This event, which has come to be known as "the slaughter of the knezes," precipitated a general uprising of the Serbian masses. The Serbs formed military units and chose as their leader one of the knezes who had escaped slaughter, Djordje (George) Petrović, known as Karadjordje (Black George) because of his swarthy complexion. Karadjordje was a man of the people, even though he was a wealthy swine trader. He had gained military experience fighting in a regiment of Serb volunteers in the Austrian military unit, the Freicorps (Free Corps), during the Austro-Turkish War of 1788–1791. Karadjordje led the First Serbian Uprising, which was the first phase of the Serbian Revolution and lasted from 1804 to 1813. As the revolt progressed, Karadjordje increasingly called for autonomy from the Ottomans and proclaimed himself as the hereditary supreme leader of Serbia. Largely because of an unfavorable international climate, however, the Serbs were defeated, with this first phase of the Serbian Revolution ending when Ottoman forces recaptured Belgrade in 1813. At the end of the uprising, Karadjordje fled to Habsburg lands.

The Second Uprising began in 1814, and was led by another wealthy peasant, Miloš Obrenović. After a year of fighting, Miloš succeeded in securing a degree of autonomy from the Porte in 1815, even though full autonomy would not be gained until 1830. First, he was recognized as "supreme knez of Serbia." Second, it was granted that Serbian officials would collect taxes and that Serbian judges would determine Serbian cases. Furthermore, Serbia got favorable tariffs and trading privileges. Finally, Janissaries were excluded from owning land, and all Serbs who participated in the uprising were given amnesty. Miloš was more successful in securing gains for a number of reasons. First, he was more of a diplomat. Second, he was not facing the same international situation that Karadjordje had faced. During Karadjordje's struggle, the European powers were engaged in battle with Napoleon. By Obrenović's phase, Napoleon had been defeated, and the European powers, especially Russia, could turn their attention back to the Balkans.

role of the serbian orthodox church in the national movement

During the revolution, only a minority of Serbs lived in the Pashalik of Belgrade. The remainder of the Serbian population was dispersed over Habsburg and other Ottoman lands. It was the less educated, less literate Serbs of the Pashalik of Belgrade who took up arms against the local Ottoman authorities and secured a degree of autonomy. But it was the more educated Serbs from the Habsburg lands, the prečani as they were called because they lived across (preko) the Sava River, who shaped the revolt into a national movement.

The Serbian Orthodox Church was central to the Serbian national movement. More a cultural and quasi-political institution than a religious one, it had preserved a Serbian identity through the centuries of Ottoman rule, and fostered the idea of political unity. The church's role resulted directly from the Ottoman millet system, which had allowed it to preserve autonomy and jurisdiction over legal and moral matters of its local population. Significant to later national aspirations, the church also served as a common point for Serbs who lived outside of the country's borders in Austrian or Ottoman territory, who despite their geopolitical division shared the Orthodox religion, allegiance to the Serbian Orthodox Church, and a common language written in the Cyrillic alphabet. The church perpetuated Serbian medieval history through a cult of Serbian royal saints and epic poetry. The church's monasteries were


educational and cultural centers for priests, some of whom would become leaders in the Serbian national movement.

Especially influential was the Metropolitanate of Karlovci in the Vojvodina (Serbian duchy), the area of southern Hungary to which many Serbs fled from the Ottomans. The greatest migration had occurred in 1690, when thousands migrated under the leadership of Patriarch Arsenius III Črnojević into Habsburg territory where they were granted lands by the Austrian emperor, Leopold I, and a measure of autonomy. Serbian society in the Vojvodina was organized around the church and included peasants and an influential middle class of merchants, artisans, clergy, and the military. This community became an important cultural center, and was influenced by Western ideas and the Enlightenment. Especially influential was the work of two men, Dositej Obradović and Vuk karadžić. karadžić, the father of the Serbian language, codified the language and compiled a dictionary and grammar book, in addition to collecting traditional Serbian poetry and stories. Obradović was a monk who wrote Serbian literature in the vernacular. Both provided visions of the Serbian nation, albeit two very different ones; Obradović was influenced by Enlightenment thought, whereas karadžić was inspired by Romanticism.

internal political life

After the revolution, Serbs were faced with establishing their own government and developing their economy, society, and culture, while concurrently trying to gain increasing independence from the Ottoman Porte. Two key questions dominated Serbian internal political life for much of the century after the Serbian Revolution. The first was the rivalry between the Karadjordjević and Obrenović dynasties, which was rooted in the personal conflict between Karadjordje and Miloš. After winning the Second Uprising, Miloš began to encounter opposition from within, especially from supporters of Karadjordje. When Karadjordje returned to Serbia in 1817, Miloš had him killed and his stuffed head presented to the sultan. The conflict between these two dynasties persisted throughout the nineteenth century, deepened as their members began to pursue different political policies, and manifested itself in the form of several regime overthrows by one or the other.

The second political question was the debate over what the political structure of Serbia should be. Even though Miloš had led the Serbs in their quest for liberation, he was by no means liberally minded, and was not ready to extend rule to his people. Instead, he ruled as a paternalistic despot who equated his own political and economic interests with those of the state. It has been said that he ran the country like an Ottoman pasha or sultan. The life of the average Serbian peasant did not immediately improve after the Serbian Revolution. Serbian peasants faced an even heavier tax burden than under the Ottomans, because of the needs of the new state apparatus and Miloš's practice of bribing Ottoman officials. They still had to engage in forced labor (a labor tax) because Miloš needed workers to build roads, bridges, and public buildings. Miloš used his position as leader to secure significant personal wealth, by confiscating former Ottoman land, establishing monopolies on livestock export and salt, and maintaining peasant taxes. Furthermore, Miloš saw the need to control the potential political threat of Serbian military leaders, knezes, and prosperous merchants, many of whom were looking to replace the departing sipahis. As a result, he aimed to secure hereditary succession. Miloš did enjoy authority and popularity, which derived largely from the role he had played in the revolution, but also because Serbian peasants were accustomed to patriarchal, despotic rule.

Through negotiation and bribery, Miloš gained the Porte's recognition of Serbia's full autonomy in 1830. He succeeded in large part also because of Russian support, one example of how the intervention of the Great European Powers often played an important role in Serbia's political development. The terms of the 1830 hatti-sherif (irrevocable imperial decree) recognized Miloš as prince of Serbia with the right of hereditary succession. It gave Serbia control over its own internal affairs, namely the administration and collection of taxes and regulation of church affairs. It forbade Ottomans to live in the countryside and confiscated Ottoman landed property. It also delimited the borders that Serbia was to have until the Congress of Berlin of 1878, bounded by the Danube River to the north, the Drina River to the west, and the Timok River to the east, with a southern border directly above the town of Niš. The hatti-sherif also established a council and an assembly, which Miloš refused to implement. This issue gave rise to the struggle between Prince Miloš as the absolute ruler and the notables, a struggle that was to dominate Serbian political life until the promulgation of the first Serbian constitution in 1869.

limiting absolute rule

Having strong personal rule was less in keeping with Serbian tradition than a decentralized system of local notables. The notables, who drew largely on western European ideas and terminology, began demanding a constitution to limit the arbitrary and absolute rule of the prince. In 1838 the sultan issued the so-called Turkish constitution, which was to form the basis for the Serbian government until the Serbian constitution of 1869. It stipulated that sovereignty was to reside in a council of seventeen members who were to be appointed for life by the prince. The prince and the council were to share legislative functions, and the council had to approve laws and taxes, although the prince had absolute veto. It also made ministers responsible to the council, and regulated the civil service, judicial system, and state administration. Miloš accepted the constitution because of pressure from domestic opponents and European consuls. In 1839 he was forced to abdicate by a coalition of six council members—three of whom were prečani—calling themselves the Defenders fo the Constitution. Miloš, who was exiled to Habsburg territory, was succeeded by his son Michael (Mihailo), who as a minor, governed through regency. In 1842 Michael was overthrown by supporters of the Karadjordjević dynasty, who recognized Karadjordje's son Alexander as the legitimate successor.

The Constitution Defenders instituted oligarchic rule, and promoted legality, greater economic freedom, and the advancement of education. While they were not democratic, they opposed the regulation of national life by the state. This period was dominated by powerful ministers, most prominently Interior Minister Ilija Garašanin, as the prince was too weak to significantly shape the government. The ministers established a bureaucratic regime through which they hoped to modernize Serbia and give it a European-style government. Most of the posts had to be filled by Serbs born and educated outside of the Pashalik of Belgrade, especially by the prečani. As a result, a significant cultural rift existed between the foreign-educated bureaucrats and the peasantry, as the former felt superior and the latter were suspicious. As an increasing number of native-born Serbs were sent abroad to receive their education, however, they gradually replaced the prečani in the regime. One of the greatest achievements of the Constitution Defenders was the enactment of the civil code of 1844, which was adapted almost entirely from Austrian models. The rule of the Constitution Defenders and Prince Alexander came to an end at a meeting of the national assembly on St. Andrew's Day in 1858, when a combination of local and commercial opponents forced them and the Karadjordjević dynasty from power. Miloš Obrenović was brought back to the throne the following year.

At this point in its political development, Serbia had three centers of power—the ruler, the council, and the assembly; by 1859 the latter gained advisory powers and had to be called every three years. Two political parties also began to emerge, the Liberals, who favored the supremacy of the council, and the Conservatives, who favored the ruler and the council. In 1860 Michael Obrenović came to the throne for a second time upon the death of Miloš. Michael is considered to have been the most effective ruler of modern Serbia. While he was in exile, he had traveled and received a formal education, the first Serbian prince to do so. Michael reasserted the power of the monarchy, and working with Garaćanin, a Conservative, sought to eliminate opposition by repressing the Liberal Party. Toward this end, he passed a censorship law in 1861 and virtually dissolved the highest court in 1864. He also focused on territorial expansion and securing the complete withdrawal of the Ottomans from the city garrisons, which was completed in 1867. Furthermore, he established a national militia, made all males between the ages of twenty and fifty subject to military service, and created a war ministry and facilities for the training of soldiers. He made alliances with neighboring Balkan states against the Ottoman Empire, but these were often thwarted by divergent and competing national interests. In 1868 Michael was assassinated, and having no heirs was succeeded by his fourteen-year-old cousin, Milan.

Milan Obrenović ruled with a three-man regency that included Jovan Ristić. Ristić was largely responsible for pushing through the first Serbian constitution in 1869, which replaced the Turkish constitution of 1838. Drafted by a constitutional assembly without foreign interference, the constitution reinforced a strong executive by giving the prince the power to appoint one-fourth of the National Assembly and to dismiss it at will. But it reflected the contemporary European ideas of the Liberals as well. The National Assembly, to which all taxpaying males would elect representatives, was to meet annually and hold public debates. Furthermore, the state council was reduced to an administrative committee. The constitution also provided a general declaration of civil rights, including the equality of citizens, property rights, and freedom of speech and religion. Ultimately, no one was happy with the constitution, as the prince and the Conservatives felt that it went too far in providing for parliamentary rights, and the Liberals felt that it did not go far enough. Much of the next decade was spent in efforts on all sides to revise the constitution.

Serbia moved a step closer to independence when it was recognized as a principality in 1878 at the Congress of Berlin. This is the same year that the Radicals, the ideological heirs of the socialist Svetozar Marković, came on the Serbian political scene. Nikola Pašić, the leader of the Radicals, was among the first to be elected to the National Assembly in 1878. The Radical Party, which was formally founded with the Radical Program of 1881, was the party of the peasants, at least traditionally. It advocated amending the constitution to enfranchise all adult citizens and to give the National Assembly full legislative power. The Radicals also called for improvements in the economy and education. The party was highly disciplined and systematically organized, and its influence was reflected in its victory at the polls. Prince Milan, however, decided to work with the Progressive Party, which was overshadowed by the Radicals and never gained much of a following. In 1882 Serbia was proclaimed a kingdom and Milan, king.

The next twenty years of Serbian political life would be dominated by the domestic affairs and scandals of the Obrenović dynasty. Before abdicating in 1889, Milan called a constitutional assembly in 1888, which was dominated by the Radicals. The new constitution that they drafted (which was adopted in January 1889 [December 1888, old style]) was more democratic than the constitution of 1869, as it gave more power to the parliament, instituted universal suffrage for taxpayers and secret elections, and more clearly defined civil liberties. Milan appointed a three-member regency to rule when his twelve-year-old son, Alexander, ascended the throne. Alexander's reign was dominated by the Radicals, and is best remembered for the scandal surrounding his wife, Draga, who was ten years his senior and reputed to be barren and promiscuous. His rule came to an end in 1903, when he and Draga were brutally assassinated in their palace by a group of young officers who believed Alexander's rule to be detrimental to Serbia's future.

The coup d'état reinstated the Karadjordjević dynasty under the rule of Peter Karadjordjević. A new constitution was promulgated in 1903, which was actually a modified version of the constitution of 1889. It was a remarkably liberal document that established Serbia as a hereditary constitutional monarchy and declared that all Serbs were equal before the law. Under this constitution the National Assembly had real powers. It also provided for freedom of the press and religion, as well as an independent judiciary and the abolition of the death penalty. This constitution marked the beginning of a new political orientation for Serbia, characterized by the establishment of justice and freedom, as well as improvements to the economy and the modernization of the army. King Peter was fiercely patriotic, a Russophile, and a staunch supporter of Pan-Serbianism. During his reign relations with Serbia's Balkan neighbors and Russia improved, while relations with Austria-Hungary deteriorated, culminating in the outbreak of war in 1914.

economy and society

While Serbia spent much of the nineteenth century establishing a modern nation-state, economic development lagged behind political modernization. The nineteenth century saw significant demographic changes in Serbia, both in population growth and composition. The population of the Pashalik of Belgrade in 1815 was around 450,000. The first census taken in 1834 reported 678,192 inhabitants. Between 1834 and 1859, the population nearly doubled to one million and further jumped to 2.5 million by 1899. This figure included the territory surrounding Niš that had been added to Serbia after the Treaty of Berlin in 1878 (10,300 square kilometers [4,000 square miles] and 303,097 inhabitants). On the eve of World War I, Serbia had approximately 4.5 million inhabitants. This steady increase in population was due in part to high rural birthrates and the immigration into Serbia of Serbs from Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia, motivated by worsening economic and political situations. Furthermore, territories added to Serbia after the Treaty of Berlin and after the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), especially the incorporation of Old Serbia (the southern provinces that had been under Ottoman rule), significantly contributed to its population increase.

The Serbian population also became increasingly Serbian, especially in the towns. In 1815, 97 percent of Serbs lived in the countryside, while the towns were inhabited largely by the fifteen thousand Muslim Ottomans living in Serbia, two-thirds of whom were Bosnian Muslim Slavs who spoke the same language as the Serbs. The towns were Ottoman administrative and military centers, and the predominant presence of the Muslims was evident in the Ottoman public buildings, mosques, fountains, baths, covered markets, and fortresses. The next largest urban population consisted of the Gypsies. There were also a comparatively smaller number of Jews, Greeks, and Hellenized Vlachs, or "Cincars" (Anglicized as "Tsintsars"), who comprised the merchant class. Through the course of the century many Greek traders departed voluntarily, while the Turks and other Muslims were driven out, with the final expulsion from cities occurring in 1867. By the end of the century, the ethnic composition of Serbia was nearly 90 percent Serb.

Serbia, predominantly a nation of small landowners, faced significant obstacles to economic and social development, as it lacked a substantial merchant class to lead commerce. It also lacked communications and transportation networks. In the early nineteenth century, the Serbian economy centered on stock raising, with agriculture beginning to develop more intensely in the 1830s. The first significant economic change after the revolution was the rapid rise of a Serbian merchant class. Increasingly, Serbian merchants began to replace Greek and Jewish ones through a process of steady urbanization. Serbia's foreign trade doubled between 1850 and 1876. Livestock was the country's major export, with Austria-Hungary the market for 90 percent of Serbian exports. In turn, 90 percent of Serbian imports came from the Monarchy. This arrangement increasingly forced Serbia into a position of economic dependency, which was solidified in 1881 when Prince Milan Obrenović, an Austrophile, signed a secret trade agreement with Austria-Hungary that effectively made Serbia a political and economic vassal of the Monarchy. When Serbia refused to renew this commercial agreement, a tariff war, known as the Pig War, broke out between the two countries, lasting from 1906 to 1911. During this time, Serbia's economy suffered, even though the war did encourage the development of certain sectors of the economy, such as the meat slaughtering industry. By the turn of the century, animal husbandry had declined and agricultural products became Serbia's main export. During the century, Serbian agricultural production had increased, especially in wheat. Nevertheless, primitive agricultural technology prevented Serbia from remaining competitive as it entered the twentieth century. Another economic change was the introduction of a money economy, which also led to the disintegration of the zadruga because peasants no longer needed to be self-sufficient.

Industry was very slow to develop in Serbia, consisting initially only of ironworks to support the army. The government did build roads and bridges, and communication received a boost with the arrival of the telegraph in 1855. However, only


toward the end of the 1880s did small factories arise. The development of railroads began in 1884, funded largely by French companies. In the late 1890s, industrial development was more rapid because of an increase in government concessions and an injection of foreign and domestic capital, largely due to the emerging banking system. Toward the end of the century, telephones and electric lights appeared in Belgrade. Despite Serbia's economic development and demographic growth, the country remained largely agricultural, with over 84 percent of the population engaged in agriculture in 1900. At the outbreak of World War I, Serbia was still a peasant society.

cultural life

Until the 1870s, it was largely the Serbs from the Habsburg lands who led Serbia's cultural modernization. At the beginning of the century, there were very few primary schools and a deficit of professionally trained teachers. Initially, Habsburg Serbs filled most of the teaching posts. In the 1830 hatti-sherif, Serbs gained the right to build schools without the Porte's approval. The first law on elementary schools was passed in 1833, but a lack of paper, books, and qualified teachers thwarted their development. Education also suffered from inadequate funding by the government. In the second half of the century, steady progress could be seen. For example, in 1875 there were 534 elementary schools attended by approximately 23,000 students. Two years later the number of schools rose to 558 and students to 47,000. A law in 1882 made six years of elementary education obligatory, although there was a great deal of noncompliance, which is demonstrated by the fact that five years later no village in Serbia had even five grades. The slow development in education is also demonstrated by the low rates of literacy in Serbia. In 1866 only 4 percent of the population was literate, and by 1884 the number had risen to 11 percent. A substantial gap existed between townspeople and villagers. Only 6.4 percent of villagers were literate, compared with 43.7 percent of townspeople. Literacy among women was markedly lower, with only 0.3 percent of women in villages and 12.4 percent in towns being literate.

This town and country divide became even more striking when the capital city of Belgrade underwent a rapid cultural modernization in the 1870s and 1880s, after the expulsion of the Ottomans. This change manifested essentially as a Europeanization in style and manners, thus expelling the once-dominant Ottoman and Serbian patriarchal influences. The people adapted bourgeois fashions from Vienna, Budapest, and Paris. Belgrade became almost the exclusive center of higher culture, where the majority of newspapers and books were published. The circulation of newspapers, which were the primary vehicles for spreading modern culture, sharply increased after freedom of the press was assured in the 1869 constitution. A number of cultural institutions arose in the capital in the latter half of the century. In the 1850s the National Library and National Museum were established, followed by the Royal Academy of Sciences in 1887. The Great School (Velika škola), the highest institution of learning in Serbia, was established in 1863 and was transformed into the University of Belgrade in 1905. The Serbian National Theater, which was established in 1869, had tremendous cultural influence. Also, the Royal Serbian Academy was founded in 1887 with the purpose of advancing scholarship.

external politics

During Miloš's reign, the Serbian government pursued a nonaggressive foreign policy aimed primarily at gaining full autonomy from the Ottoman Empire. When the promulgation of the 1869 constitution somewhat settled internal political affairs, the Serbian government began to pursue an expansionist foreign policy aimed at incorporating the numerous Serbs who still lived in the surrounding Ottoman and Habsburg lands into the Serbian principality. This plan to liberate Serbs from imperial domination and to unify them into a single state was known as the Greater Serbia plan. This idea was first articulated in 1844 by Garašanin in a document called "Nacertanije" (Outline). Here, Garašanin proposed that Serbia reestablish the boundaries of the Serbian medieval kingdom, including the lands of Bosnia, Herzegovina, Montenegro, and Macedonia and areas of southern Hungary, as well as secure an outlet to the Adriatic Sea. The need to acquire an outlet to the sea became even more apparent in light of the economic difficulties Serbia suffered during the Pig War. This expansionist policy inevitably led Serbia to clash with the neighboring Austrian and Ottoman Empires, as it called for the incorporation into Serbia of imperial lands.

In the early twentieth century, Serbia went to war against the Ottoman Empire, and came to the brink of war with Austria-Hungary on several occasions prior to the outbreak of war in 1914. The closest Serbia came to war with the Monarchy was in 1908 when Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia-Herzegovina, which it had occupied since 1878. The Serbian government was forced to accept the annexation, because the Great Powers were not ready or willing to go to war over the annexation. But a group of soldiers and civilians who were dissatisfied with the outcome of this so-called Annexation Crisis organized two nationalist organizations, Narodna odbrana (The National Defense) and Ujedinjenje ili smrt (Union or Death). These underground organizations worked toward the shared goal of a Greater Serbia, both through cultural work and political agitation.

At the same time, Serbia formed alliances with the neighboring countries of Bulgaria, Greece, and Montenegro to create the Balkan League, aimed at driving the Ottoman Empire from the peninsula. The alliance declared war on the Ottoman Empire in 1912 and defeated it in 1913. In the Treaty of London, which ended this First Balkan War, Austria-Hungary and Italy provided for the creation of an independent Albania, which prevented Serbia from getting an outlet to the sea. In compensation, it gave Serbia substantial territory in Macedonia. Shortly thereafter, Bulgaria went to war against Serbia and Greece over competing claims in Macedonia, launching the Second Balkan War. Reinforced by Montenegro, Romania, and the Ottoman Empire, Serbia and Greece quickly defeated Bulgaria. The ensuing Treaty of Bucharest reaffirmed Serbian gains in Macedonia. As a result of the Balkan Wars, the Kingdom of Serbia almost doubled in size from 48,000 square kilometers (18,500 square miles) to 87,300 square kilometers (33,700 miles), and its population jumped from 2.9 million to 4.4 million. It had also regained the lands of Old Serbia, which included the historically significant province of Kosovo.

While Serbia's struggle against the Ottomans was resolved with its victories in the Balkan Wars, its conflict with Austria-Hungary only continued escalating in the first decade of the twentieth century and ultimately culminated in the outbreak of war in July 1914 when the Austrian government held the Serbian government responsible for the actions of the Union or Death organization in assassinating the heir to the Habsburg throne, Archduke Francis Ferdinand. This Austro-Serbian war quickly devolved into World War I.

See alsoAustria-Hungary; Balkan Wars; Belgrade; Bosnia-Herzegovina; Karadjordje; Millet System; Nationalism; Ottoman Empire; Slavophiles.

bibliography

Dragnich, Alex N. Serbia through the Ages. Boulder, Colo., 2004.

Jelavich, Barbara. History of the Balkans. Vol. 1: Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries. Cambridge, U.K., 1983.

Lampe, John R. Yugoslavia as History: Twice There Was a Country. 2nd ed. Cambridge, U.K., 2000.

Petrovich, Michael Boro. A History of Modern Serbia, 1804–1918. 2 vols. New York, 1976.

Stokes, Gale. Politics as Development: The Emergence of Political Parties in Nineteenth-Century Serbia. Durham, N.C., 1990.

Tomasevich, Jozo. Peasants, Politics, and Economic Change in Yugoslavia. Stanford, Calif., 1955. Reprint, New York, 1975.

Vucinich, Wayne S. Serbia between East and West: The Events of 1903–1908. Stanford, Calif., 1954. Reprint, New York, 1968.

Jovana L. KneŽeviĆ

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Serbia

SERBIA.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

By the first months of 1914 the Kingdom of Serbia seemed the most successful of the independent states that had emerged across southeastern Europe during the nineteenth century. Its modernized army, mobilizing 350,000 men from a population of 2.9 million, won victories in both Balkan Wars of 1912–1913, first against the Ottoman Empire and then against neighboring Bulgaria. The region's one native monarch, King Peter Karadjordjević (1844–1921), ruled under constitutional restraints and a parliament elected by near universal male suffrage. The tariff war of 1906–1911 with Austria-Hungary had secured economic independence from Serbia's huge northern neighbor. Family holdings predominated among a peasantry accounting for more than 80 percent of the population. The cultural and intellectual life of Belgrade displayed the growing European ambiance of the region's other capital cities but enjoyed the advantage of greater press freedom.

The next ninety years were not kind to that apparent promise. Two world wars and the wars of Yugoslavia's dissolution in the 1990s are partly responsible. So, however, is political conflict within Serbia's changing borders and a problematic relation with the much larger territory, a large number of Serbs included, that became Yugoslavia after 1918 and again after 1945. Already by 1914, the First Balkan War had added Kosovo, the much-remembered site of the medieval Serbian state's defeat by Ottoman forces in 1389, and Vardar Macedonia to the territory of "inner Serbia." Total population swelled to 4.4 million but reduced the 90 percent Serb and Serbian Orthodox proportion before 1912 to less than 70 percent. The ethnic and religious majority in Kosovo had long since become Albanian and Muslim, in the Vardar region Slav Macedonian and Bulgarian Orthodox.

In July 1914 Austria-Hungary seized on the assassination in Sarajevo of the heir to its throne by a Bosnian Serb to declare war on Serbia. In World War I Serbia's suffering began with the costly repulse of two Austro-Hungarian offensives. There followed a deadly typhus epidemic; and a German-led offensive that forced its army, government, and accompanying civilians to retreat across Kosovo and Albania to the island of Corfu by the winter of 1915–1916. The death toll to that point alone approached half a million. Hard Austrian and harder Bulgarian occupations divided Serbia's 1914 territory until 1918. Then a Serbian army reconstituted with French-led forces on the Salonika Front broke through Bulgarian lines in October 1918 and quickly retook the lost territory.

Pressed by advancing Italian troops and the internal disorder of a disintegrating Austro-Hungarian army, a National Council of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs hastily assembled in Zagreb and accepted Serbia's terms for the founding of the first Yugoslav or South Slav state on 1 December 1918. In return, Serbian troops stemmed the Italian advance and restored order in formerly Habsburg Croatia-Slavonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Yet it was not until 1921 that a constituent assembly, minus most Croat votes, could establish the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes on unitarist terms under a Serbian King, Alexander Karadjordjević (1888–1934). Its thirty-three district administrations were made responsible to Belgrade's central ministries. They were subdivided so that the two million Serbs outside of Serbia, where only 2.6 million survived the war, would have local majorities in some of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, the Vojvodina, and Macedonia, and all of Kosovo. The two latter territories were now called South Serbia and placed under semi-martial law well into the 1920s.

Several disadvantages stood in the way of the Serbian dominance of this first Yugoslav state, as assumed by its detractors and anticipated by prewar political leaders such as Nikola Pasić (1845–1926). Long head of the previously dominant Radical Party, Pasić could remain prime minister again until 1926, but only through a series of unstable coalition governments. Serbia's political spectrum had divided into five parties, while single parties represented not only the Slovenes, Croats, and Bosnian Muslims but also increasingly the Serbs from outside of Serbia. Other disadvantages were the greater war damage suffered by Serbian industry, the failure of its banking sector to attract much of the private capital now concentrating in Zagreb, and the retreat of the European capital market from the state loans so helpful to prewar Serbia. Culturally, some effort to make Belgrade the center of a single, new Yugoslav identity briefly attracted intellectuals and artists from other ethnic areas but failed to survive the 1920s. Projects to create a single educational system would not even get started until the 1930s.

By then, King Alexander had abolished both the parliament and the established political parties, while redividing the renamed Kingdom of Yugoslavia into only eight banovine (provinces). Their borders favored Serbs but not Serbia. From 1929 to 1931 his royal dictatorship was a reality, enforced by new powers for the Interior Ministry in Belgrade. His closest army advisors fought the pressures rising for relaxation from 1931 to 1934 but could not prevail after the king's assassination in 1934 at the hands of radical Croatian and Macedonian nationalists. A new prime minister, Milan Stojadinović (1888–1961), revived the economy, first through favorable trade arrangements with Nazi Germany and then with rearmament favoring Serbian industry. But he could not come to terms with either the Serbian Orthodox Church or the Croatian Peasant Party. By 1939 his successors had agreed to larger and largely Croatian banovina that prompted rising Serbian demands for one of their own, including most of Bosnia.

The German invasion of April 1941 then intervened to dismember the first Yugoslavia and occupy Serbia. A military coup in Belgrade had just overthrown the Regent Paul's government for agreeing to join the Nazi's Tripartite Pact. The brutality of the Nazi occupation intensified as both the Yugoslav Communist Party under Tito (Josip Broz, 1892–1980) and remnants of the royal Yugoslav army under Dragoljub Mihajlović organized competing resistance movements. Kosovo became part of a Greater Albania under Italian occupation and a Kosovar Albanian administration that killed or expelled interwar Serb immigrants. War deaths there and in Serbia proper totaled 150,000, versus 300,000 Serbs killed elsewhere in Yugoslavia. Tito used his partisans' expulsion into Bosnia and Croatia to build multiethnic support for the Communist Yugoslavia that took power quickly in 1945. The Chetniks' limited collaboration, more with the Italians than the Germans, allowed the larger Communist forces to join the Soviet army in sweeping them aside in Serbia.

The new Communist federation made Serbia a constituent republic within its pre-1912 borders. Neighboring Vojvodina became a province and Kosovo a region, promising subordination to Serbia given their respective Serb plurality and minority. And so at first they were, particularly in Kosovo under the hard-line Interior Minister Alexander Ranković (1909–1982). After he was deposed in 1966 and Kosovar Albanians rioted the following year, the region's own affairs, education and police powers included, passed increasingly out of Serbia's hands.

For the 60 percent of Yugoslavia's Serbs inside Serbia, their republic received little advantage from containing the capital city and having Serbs disproportionately represented in the Communist parties of Bosnia and Croatia. In the 1945 elections Serbia's noncommunist parties were the only ones to seriously dispute the Communist accession to power, their population the only one to abstain significantly, some 30 percent. The smallholding peasantry and the Serbian Orthodox Church survived Communist pressures by the early 1950s, but with reduced numbers and less influence. By 1965, Serbian Communist liberals were at the forefront of a proposal to introduce market-oriented economic reforms, reduce political influence in enterprise management, and retreat from any Serb-centered view of Yugoslavia. Their dismissal by Tito in 1971 along with Communist liberals in Croatia, Slovenia, and Macedonia as well, opened the way in the Serbian party for younger apparachiks, more opportunist than hard-line. Slobodan Milošević (1941–2006) moved ahead on just that basis. His chance would come after Tito's death in 1980.

Serbia's economy and society were by then struggling, like the rest of Yugoslavia, with increasing inflation, enterprises under decentralized but still political management, and now subdivided workers' councils. There were added problems for Serbia, increasingly portrayed by Belgrade's freer media after Tito's death as the result of discrimination from other republics. Its payments to the lower-income republics and Kosovo seemed a greater burden than for Croatia and Slovenia, with incomes respectively two and three times Serbia's (and Yugoslavia's) average. Belgrade's infrastructure and amenities were increasingly neglected in a confederal framework where the other republics could agree that the city that was also Serbia's capital should not be favored. What had been the most open, European, and multiethnic cultural and educational center in Yugoslavia began turning in on itself during the 1980s. Serbian nationalism emerged in theater, literature, and finally in politics.

As inflation accelerated, Yugoslavia's post-Tito political stalemate also frustrated economic reform. Milošević used added anxiety about the declining Serb population in Kosovo to take control of the Serbian party. After the other communist regimes in Eastern Europe collapsed in 1989 he sought to save party control of all but Slovenia and western Croatia. He deployed a Serbianized Yugoslav army and paramilitary forces to challenge the secession of first Croatia in 1991 and Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1992. By 1996 the surviving Federal Republic of Yugoslavia consisted only of Serbia (10.6 million people including Vojvodina and Kosovo) and Montenegro. Blaming the immiseration of the Serbian economy and the social demoralization of Belgrade in particular on Western sanctions, Milošević's criminalized regime survived even after the NATO bombing campaign of 1999 and his agreement to withdraw Serbian forces from Kosovo. The bombing on top of the Serb refugee influx of the 1990s left the public with an enduring sense of victimization, rolling together all of Serbia's suffering in the wars of the twentieth century.

Within a year's time, however, Serbia's political culture rallied. Demonstrations spread from city to city, rejecting the falsification of votes in a hasty election that Milošević had called to maintain his position as president. He and his regime were forced to resign in October 2000. Since then, Serbia's return to its pre-1912 democratic promise has struggled to answer for the war crimes and criminality of the 1990s, to overcome the long legacy of the failed communist economy, and to avoid the crippling political divisions of the 1920s. For his courageous if compromised pursuit of that promise, Prime Minister Zoran Djindjić (1952–2003) was assassinated in 2003. But the struggle has continued.

See alsoBelgrade; Kosovo; Milošević, Slobodan; Montenegro; Sarajevo; Tito (Josip Broz); World War I; World War II; Yugoslavia.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Cohen, Lenard J. Serpent in the Bosom, The Rise and Fall of Slobodan Milošević. Boulder, Colo., 2001.

Dragovic-Soso, Jasna. Saviours of the Nation? Serbia's Intellectual Opposition and the Revival of Nationalism. London, 2002.

Lampe, John R. Yugoslavia as History: Twice There Was a Country. 2nd ed. Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 2000.

Mitrovic, Andrej. Serbia's Great War, 1914–1918. London, 2006.

Pavlowitch, Stevan K. Serbia: The History of an Idea. New York, 2002.

Wachtel, Andrew. Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation: Literature and Cultural Politics in Yugoslavia. Stanford, Calif., 1998.

John R. Lampe

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