Pentecostal Family

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9 Pentecostal Family












Intrafaith Organizations

White Trinitarian Holiness Pentecostals

White Trinitarian Pentecostals

Deliverance Pentecostals

Apostolic Pentecostals

Black Trinitarian Pentecostals

Signs Pentecostals

Spanish-Speaking Pentecostals

Latter Rain Pentecostals

Other Pentecostals

The Pentecostal movement was one of the most spectacular religious phenomena of the twentieth century, ranking with the massive movement of Asian religions to the United States and the rise of Islam as a global power. Born as the century began, Pentecostalism now claims several million American followers and millions more overseas. As Pentecostals have taken their place in the world Christian community, they have emphasized their orthodoxy. Theologically, with the exception of the Apostolic Pentecostals discussed below, Pentecostals are situated firmly within the conciliar tradition (fourth to eighth centuries), during which time the consensus on the major beliefs of Christian orthodoxy was reached. Pentecostals also have no disagreement with the major affirmations of the Protestant Reformation on such issues as the authority of the Bible, salvation by faith alone, and the priest-hood of believers. In fact, the statements of belief of the various Pentecostal churches reflect their heritage, be that heritage Methodist (chapter 7) or Holiness (chapter 8) or Baptist (chapter 11). The real line between Pentecostal churches and the mainline Protestant churches has been clear from the beginning of the modern movement in 1901. Pentecostals are distinguished solely by their revival of a form of religious experience grounded in what is technically termed glossolalia, but more popularly called “speaking in tongues.”

The uniqueness of the Pentecostal experience begins in the conscious search for the gift of speaking in tongues as a sign of having been blessed with the baptism of the Holy Spirit. That baptism may be defined as the dwelling of the Holy Spirit in the individual believer. From the initial experience of the baptism of the Holy Spirit and speaking in tongues, the believer may expect to also manifest other gifts of the Holy Spirit as originally manifested in the New Testament church (I Corinthians 12:4–11). Those gifts include healing, prophecy, wisdom (knowledge unattainable by natural means), and discernment of spirits (seeing non-physical beings such as angels and demons).


Glossolalia, speaking in tongues, was a part of the experience of Jesus’ disciples at Pentecost (Acts 2) and reappeared at several important points in the growing church. In Paul’s Epistle to the Corinthians, “tongues” are mentioned as one gift or “charisma” among others, such as healing, working miracles, and prophecy. Tongues usually appear in connection with other “gifts of the Spirit” although, historically, the other gifts have often appeared without the accompanying verbal gift. The experience of tongues, if not common, was well known in the ancient world. The phenomenon is manifest today in a number of tribal religions, as well as among Pentecostals.

What are “tongues”? To the outsider, hearing someone speak in tongues is like hearing gibberish. To the Pentecostal, it is speaking under the control of the Holy Spirit. Pentecostal lore is full of tales of people who have been able to speak in a foreign language at a moment of crisis, although they did not know the language. Believers regard such instances as supernatural occurrences.

Social scientists generally look to a different explanation. Linguist William Samarin would separate glossolalia from xenoglossia. Glossolalia, says Samarin, is not truly a language. It is a verbalized religious experience. Only a few vowels and consonants are used, not enough to make a language as we know it. Glossolalia is the common prayer speech heard at Pentecostal churches. Xenoglossia, in contrast, is the utterance of an existent foreign language by one who has no knowledge of it. A rare occurrence, it nevertheless has been noted and recorded in the literature of psychical research. Outside of Pentecostal circles, both telepathy and spirit contact have been hypothesized as the source of the xenoglossia. Possibly more important as an explanation is cryptonesia, forgotten memory. It is possible for a young person, for example, to learn much of a language from simply hearing others speak it, apart from any formal training. In later years, any conscious memory of that language can be lost to memory, but can reappear in an altered state of consciousness.


Along with the new form of religious experience centered upon speaking in tongues comes the second distinguishing mark of the Pentecostal: a lifestyle reordered around that religious experience. The Pentecostal convert lets his or her religious experience dominate daily life. The Pentecostal encourages others to have the baptism of the Holy Spirit; Pentecostals talk about that experience often; when they pray, they pray in tongues; they see healings as signs of God’s immediate presence; they pay attention to other gifts of the Holy Spirit; and finally, they tend to look down on those who do not speak in tongues.

Through the first half of the twentieth century, Pentecostals were frequently and pejoratively called “holy rollers,” a reference to their free, loud, participatory style of worship and their constant attention to the gifts of the Spirit, especially tongues. In contrast to the more orderly services in the Methodist, Baptist, and Presbyterian churches, Pentecostals seem to have a very free, spontaneous service that includes hymns that emphasize rhythm, extemporaneous prayers, and frequent interruption of the service with “amen’s” and “tongues.” Those who visit Pentecostal services for the first time are startled by the seeming lack of order. The freedom and spontaneity are limited, however. Even the most free congregation falls into a narrow pattern, repeated week after week with little variation.

It is the worship and the lifestyle keyed to religious experience—the constant search for the experience and the endless talk about it—that separate Pentecostalism from the older Protestant denominations. Such distinctions are more felt than rationalized and are rarely articulated.

When conservative Christians such as Baptists and the Reformed discuss the doctrinal differences between themselves and the Pentecostal movement, they focus on disagreements about the baptism of the Holy Spirit and the gifts of the Spirit. Theologians out of the Reformed tradition tend to believe that the gifts of the Spirit were given to the early church and disappeared after the apostles died. Other critics, however, observe the likeness between the religious expressions of Pentecostals and those of non-Christians, including the Spiritualist and occult movements. A few critics have charged the Pentecostals with a form of demon possession. By contrast, the Pentecostals insist the end of time is near, and the words of the prophet Joel (Joel 3:1) are being fulfilled: “It shall come to pass in the last days, says God, that I will pour out my Spirit on all mankind: Your sons and daughters shall prophesy, your young men shall see visions and your old men shall dream dreams.” According to Acts 2:17, Peter referred to this passage on the original day of Pentecost as being fulfilled in the foundation of the Christian church.


Speaking in tongues makes Pentecostals controversial, but such controversy is multiplied by the addition of an emphasis on God’s healing. Objections to healing center not as much on the reality of healing as on the form that healing ministries have assumed. Mainline Christians are offended by the seeming over-familiarity with God assumed in praying for God to heal, as well as the loud, demanding style of many evangelists. The critics also object to the emotional, crowd-psychology-oriented healing services that seem to manipulate those in attendance. Typical of the criticisms was the controversy that erupted in the 1970s around the former child-evangelist, Marjoe Gortner (b. 1944). Gortner had conducted healing services as a child, but came to the decision that what he was doing was not valid. So, in the 1970s, he invited filmmakers to follow him in a year’s work of Pentecostal healing. The resultant movie (Marjoe, 1972) and book were released as an exposé of Pentecostal healing. Gortner’s critique appeared on the heels of critiques of healing that had emerged in reaction to the post–World War II healing movement that grew out of the work of William M. Branham (1909–1965), which produced superstar Oral Roberts (b. 1918) and were followed by similar negative judgments leveled against popular healer Kathryn Kuhlman (1907–1976).

In the mid-1980s, skeptical stage magician James Randi (b. 1928) did a survey of Pentecostal healers, among whom he found two, Peter Popoff (b. 1946) and W. V. Grant Jr. (b. 1946), who were carrying on plainly fraudulent activity to create the appearance of miracles in their healing services. Using tricks well known to stage magicians, they claimed to receive information supernaturally. But in fact, the information was being transmitted to them by accomplices. In exposing the two questionable healers, Randi actually did the movement a great service. He believed that most of the healers he investigated were self-deluded, but were nevertheless sincere in what they were doing.

In spite of such criticisms, however, the Pentecostals raised an important issue for contemporary Christians: the question of healing as a sign of God’s work among his people. Pentecostals join both Christian Scientists, who refrain from using medicine and doctors, and Episcopalians in raising this issue. An Episcopalian physician, Charles Cullis (1833–1892), held healing services during the late nineteenth century at his summer camp in Old Orchard, Maine. Many of the spiritual-healing ministries in the United States can be traced from Cullis to the Emmanuel movement (emanating from the Emmanuel Episcopal Church in Boston early in the twentieth century) to healing evangelists such as Aimee Semple McPherson (1890–1944) to more recent organizations such as the ecumenical Order of St. Luke the Physician, the spiritual heir of the Emmanuel movement. Thus Pentecostal healing activity fits into a much larger interest in healing as a gift of the Holy Spirit within Christianity.


The first recorded manifestation of speaking in tongues in the modern era occurred in the late seventeenth century in France. The times were a blend of persecution and miraculous events. After the revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685), state suppression of Protestants began in southern France, among other places. In the mountainous region of Languedoc in the 1680s, more than 10,000 people were victims of the stake, galley, and wheel. Partially in reaction to this persecution, strange paranormal phenomena began to occur. At Vivaris, in southern France, a man reported that he had a vision and heard a voice say, “Go and console my people.” At Berne, people claimed to have seen apparitions and heard voices. There arose prophets who were viewed as miraculous because, although young and untutored, they spoke fluently and with wisdom.

Among the French mountain villages was a poor unlettered girl, Isabella Vincent. The daughter of a weaver, Isabella left home after her father accepted a bribe to become a Catholic and after she witnessed a massacre of Huguenots (French Calvinists). She was a Huguenot, and she fled to her Huguenot godfather. On February 12, 1688, she had her first ecstatic experience. She entered a trance in which she spoke in tongues and prophesied. She called for repentance, especially from those who had forsaken their faith for gold. Her fame spread. People marveled at her perfect Parisian French and her ability to quote the Mass verbatim and refute it. She was finally arrested, but others rose to take her place. In 1700 a movement began among the youth, and children as young as three entered ecstatic states and prophesied. Continued persecution was followed by war and eventual migration to other parts of Europe, where these people became known as the French Prophets.

A few manifestations of tongues were noted in the eighteenth century among the Quakers in England and the Methodists in America. In the 1830s, however, two groups emerged who spoke in tongues with some frequency: in England, the Catholic Apostolic Church, and in America, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Both accepted the experience as part of a charismatic church life. Then, after the Civil War (1861–1865), tongues began to manifest themselves within the Holiness churches and thus came into historical continuity with the present-day Pentecostal movement. In 1875 the Reverend R. B. Swan, a Holiness minister, was one of five people in Providence, Rhode Island, who spoke in tongues. This group grew and soon became known as the Gift People. William Jethro Walthall (1858–1931) reported speaking in tongues as early as 1879. This evangelist from Arkansas at first accepted tongues as part of a total experience of “being carried outside of himself,” but later identified it with Pentecost and became a superintendent of the Assemblies of God, discussed below. In 1890 Daniel Awrey, an evangelist from Ohio, experienced tongues. In the 1890s, members attending the meetings of R. G. Spurling (1857–1935) in Tennessee and North Carolina, and W. F. Bryant (1963–1949) of Camp Creek, North Carolina, spoke in tongues. The experience was later identified with Pentecost, and these two men became leaders in the Church of God (Cleveland, Tennessee), also discussed below. Besides these and other isolated incidents of “tongues,” in the 1890s there appeared a new movement in the Holiness church that was to be a direct precursor of Pentecostalism as it exists today—the fire baptism.

As a movement, fire baptism was an “experience” preached by some Holiness ministers looking for something more than their Holiness experience had given them. The first such minister was the Reverend B. H. Irwin, who had derived the experience from the writings of John Fletcher (1729–1785), an early Methodist. Fletcher, in his works, had spoken of a “baptism of burning love,” but it is doubtful that he was implying any of what Irwin was seeking. Fire baptism, a personal religious experience of being filled with and empowered by the Holy Spirit, took its name from the Holy Spirit’s descent upon the apostles in the form of tongues of flame—the first Pentecost.

In 1895 the first fire-baptized congregation (the first church to seek and receive fire baptism) was organized at Olmitz, Iowa. From there, fire baptism was spread by itinerant evangelists. Holiness leaders labeled this new experience, which they termed “The Fire,” heresy and fanaticism. Opposition did not keep the teaching from spreading and, within three years, there were nine state associations organized and six more associations waiting to form, including two in Canada. Formal organization of the Fire-Baptized Holiness Association took place in 1898 at Anderson, South Carolina, and a periodical, Live Coals of Fire, was started in 1899. Later, the Fire-Baptized Holiness Association was to accept as a body the Pentecostal emphasis on speaking in tongues as a sure sign of the Spirit’s presence within the believer. The early experience of tongues and the development of the Fire-Baptized Holiness Association set the nineteenth-century stage for the twentieth-century Pentecostal movement. Three years would be significant in its development—1901, 1906, and 1914.

Tongues have periodically appeared in the Christian tradition, and cases have been noted in a variety of non-Christian religions. However, it is to be noted that the experience of tongues by itself is not Pentecostalism. Pentecostalism was not built around a mere outbreak of spontaneous experiences of tongues. Rather, it consists of the conscious focus on the experience of tongues as a sign of the reception of the Holy Spirit, and of activity (primarily prayer) directed toward the reception of the gift, and subsequent to receiving it, the conscious search for other gifts of the Spirit. Thus the history of Pentecostalism ultimately leads not to incidents of tongues in history, but to a Bible school in the American Midwest in the first year of the twentieth century.


The beginnings of the modern Pentecostal movement originated in the ministry of the Reverend Charles Parham (1873–1929). Having left the Methodist Episcopal Church, Parham eventually opened the Bethel Healing Home in 1898 in Topeka. He had been inspired by the healing ministry of John Alexander Dowie (1847–1907) of Zion, Illinois. In 1900 Parham began an extended tour of Holiness and healing ministries from Chicago to New York to Georgia. Returning to Topeka, Parham found his work undermined and usurped. Undaunted, he purchased a building just outside of town and began the Bethel Bible College in the fall of 1900. Over the Christmas holidays, before leaving to speak in Kansas City, he assigned his students the task of investigating the “baptism of the Spirit,” sometimes called the Pentecostal blessing. Upon returning, Parham got a report: “To my astonishment, they all had the same story that while different things occurred when the Pentecostal blessing fell, the indisputable proof on each occasion was that they spoke with other tongues” (Parham 1969, p. 52).

Immediately, they turned to seek a baptism with an indication given by utterance in tongues. On January 1, 1901, the Holy Spirit fell, first on Agnes Ozman (1870–1937), and a few days later on many others, and then on Parham himself. Thus Agnes Ozman became the first person in modern times self-consciously to seek and then to receive the experience of speaking in tongues as a sign of being “baptized with the Holy Spirit.” The modern Pentecostal movement can be dated from that moment.

This small beginning, of fewer than 40 people, did not portend the growth that was to come. Parham closed the school and with his students set out to spread the message of the new Pentecost. He traveled and preached through Missouri and Kansas, and climaxed his tour with a revival in Galena, Kansas, which lasted for four months in the winter of 1903 to 1904. In 1905 he began work in Texas for the first time. He made Houston, Texas, his headquarters and in December 1905 opened a Bible school. Parham at this point let the mantle of leadership pass to William J. Seymour (1870–1922), a black minister who had studied under Parham in Houston.


The Pentecostal scene shifted to the West Coast, to California, where in 1906 William J. Seymour, an African-American Holiness minister, arrived to preach at a small Baptist church. The church refused to hear him after his first sermon, but he was invited to preach at a member’s home on Bonnie Brae Street. After three days of his preaching, the Spirit fell and tongues were heard on the West Coast. The meeting quickly outgrew the small home, and a former Methodist church building was rented on Azusa Street. From here would develop the revival that would send the Pentecostal experience around the world.

The Pentecostal outpouring in Los Angeles did not occur in a vacuum, but was the culmination of earlier events. From the spring of 1905, Frank Bartlemen (1871–1936) and Joseph Smale (1867–1926) had been giving wide publicity to the 1904 Wales revival under Evan Roberts (1878–1951). In addition, a number of Pentecostals who spoke in tongues had arrived from Armenia to begin a new life in America. All quickly lent support to the Bonnie Brae phenomena.

After the initial speaking in tongues on April 9, the meeting grew and spread. Significant in this growth was the occurrence on April 18, just nine days after the initial experience, of the great San Francisco earthquake. More than 125,000 tracts relating the earthquake to the Azusa Street happenings and the “endtime” were promptly distributed. News of the revival was also widely circulated in Holiness and other religious periodicals. Attracted by the excitement, people came to Los Angeles from across the country. As they received the baptism, they went home to spread the word. Pentecostal centers appeared in Illinois, New York, North Carolina, Sweden, England, India, and Chile.

Before the late twentieth century, Pentecostals have had a peculiar problem in dealing forthrightly with their history. Leadership of the movement he founded was lost to Charles Parham, who, like B. H. Irwin before him, was ostracized because of a personal scandal. Parham was accused of homosexuality, a particularly horrible sin in the eyes of conservative Christians. Then, the new leadership provided by Seymour was gradually rejected because of his race, and by the beginning of World War I (1914–1918) his ministry was largely limited to African-American peoples around the country. National leadership passed to white ministers who went to Azusa Street and returned home to found the various Pentecostal denominations.


From 1901 until 1914, the Pentecostals existed primarily within the Holiness movement. The Holiness movement was oriented toward an experience that ratified the believer’s sanctity, the experience of the “second blessing,” after which the believer would be holy forever. As the Pentecostal movement spread, many Holiness churches accepted speaking in tongues as a final guarantee of holiness, a sure sign than the “second blessing,” and they called the Pentecostal “baptism of the Holy Spirit” the third experience. (The first, preceding the second blessing, was justification—the discovery of Christ as the personal savior.)

The Holiness movement thus had supplied the basic problem (sanctification, life in the Spirit) that had caused concern for the “baptism of the Holy Spirit.” The early Pentecostal leaders and members came from Holiness churches, and Holiness periodicals spread the word of the revival. Most important, the Holiness churches, like the synagogues for Paul, became the first centers for Pentecostal evangelism. Out of the Holiness movement came such churches as the Pentecostal Holiness Church and the Church of God (Cleveland, Tennessee). However, the growth of Pentecostalism caused many Holiness churches and leaders to express strong disapproval of it. Resistance varied from the relatively mild policy of the Christian and Missionary Alliance to radical rejection by the Pentecostal Nazarene Church, which even dropped the word Pentecostal from its title to manifest its firm opposition.

Growing hostility, factionalism within the movement, and the need for coordination of activities led in 1914 to a meeting at the Grand Opera House in Hot Springs, Arkansas, where participants expressed a desire for fuller cooperation. Out of this meeting grew the Assemblies of God. More importantly, from this organization came the impetus for the eventual organization of additional independent churches. Pentecostal denominationalism had begun in earnest.

With time, three Pentecostal churches took a special place in the American Pentecostal movement: the Assemblies of God; the Church of God (Cleveland, Tennessee); and the House of God, Which is the Church of The living God, the Pillar and Ground of Truth. Many other Pentecostal churches are offshoots of these three or are modeled on them and deviate from them on only a few points. (For practical purposes, a parenthetical subtitle is given to some churches in this encyclopedia. Thus the Church of God [Cleveland, Tennessee] calls itself simply the Church of God, but its headquarters are in Cleveland, Tennessee, so that is added to its title to distinguish it from the more than one hundred other denominations that call themselves the Church of God.)

As various Pentecostal churches came into existence, they adopted different forms of church government. Some are congregational, some connectional. The congregational churches share four characteristics: (1) the local churches operate autonomously; (2) they choose their own ministers; (3) they own their property themselves; and (4) they allow

Pentecostal Family Chronology
19th centuryThrough the nineteenth century, a variety of groups from the Mormons to the Shakers experience manifestations of the charismatic gifts of the spirit including speaking in tongues, prophecies, and divine healing. These accounts come from around the world.
1880–1900Leaders in the Holiness movement discuss the idea of the baptism of the Holy Spirit, which many tend to identify with the Holiness experience of sanctification while others become dissatisfied with that explanation.
1900Independent Methodist Holiness preacher Charles Fox Parham raises issue of speaking in tongues (glossalalia) being the sign of the baptism of the Holy Spirit with the students of the Bethel Bible School, which he heads in Topeka, Kansas. As other students begin to receive the gift of tongues, the event is seen as the fulfillment of the biblical prophecy that God will pour out his spirit at the “end time.” The students also believe that they are speaking real foreign languages that will be tools for the world’s evangelization.
1901On January 1. Agnes Oznam becomes the first person who, after prayer to be baptized with the Holy Spirit, speaks in tongues.
1905Parham moves to Houston where he encounters African Methodist preacher William Joseph Seymour, who accepts the Pentecostal message.
1906Seymour accepts a pastorate in Los Angeles, but is rejected after preaching about Pentecost. He then is invited to lead a Bible study group among whom the Spirit manifests on April 9. This event is tied to the San Francisco earthquake (April 18) and a belief in the approaching “end time.” Seymour establishes the Apostolic Faith Mission on Azusa Street where daily services are held to which people from around United States and Canada come.
1906–07The Church of God, based in Cleveland, Tennessee, a Holiness church among whom speaking in tongues had previously manifested, aligns itself with the movement based at the Apostolic Faith Mission in Los Angeles.
1907G. G. Garr is disappointed when his wife Lilian, who was believed to be speaking Chinese when speaking in tongues, is unintelligible to the Chinese of Hong Kong. He calls for a significant revision of the movement’s understanding of the phenomenon, which he now sees as simply a devotional language.
 Florence Crawford leaves Los Angeles and founds the Apostolic Faith Church, based in Portland, Oregon.
 African American Holiness minister Charles H. Mason founds Church of God in Christ.
 Chicago Baptist minister William H. Durham receives baptism of the Holy Spirit. He later repudiates the Methodist idea of sanctification and any need for sanctification to precede the baptism of the Holy Spirit. Many attracted to Pentecostalism from outside Methodism accept his “finished work” approach.
1909Under the ministry of G. B. Cashwell, The Fire-Baptized Holiness Church accepts the Pentecostal message and merges into the Pentecostal Holiness Church.
1912George Went Hensley introduces the Church of God (Cleveland, Tennessee) to the practice of handling serpents, among whom it flourished for a decade before being pushed out.
1913Beginning of the “Jesus Only” (Apostolic or Oneness) movement developed from literal reading of the baptismal formula in Acts 2:38 (and other places), which repudiates traditional doctrine of the Trinity. Pentecostal Assemblies of the World becomes first group to accept the new approach.
1914The Assemblies of God, following William Durham’s “finished work” perspective, is founded in Hot Springs, Arkansas.
1945Several Oneness groups merge to form the United Pentecostal Church.
1947First Pentecostal World Conference gathers in Zurich, Switzerland.
1948Pentecostal Fellowship of North America formed.
 Latter Rain movement, emphasizing divine healing, prophecy, and the five-fold ministry leadership (Ephesians 4:11), spreads from Canada to the United States.
1951With healing evangelist Oral Roberts’s assistance, layman Demos Shakarian founds the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International, which becomes a major seeding ground for the new Charismatic movement that spreads the Pentecostal experience in the Roman Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, and non-Pentecostal Protestant denominations.
1952South African David du Plessis launches effort to place Pentecostals in dialogue with the larger Christian world with a lecture at Princeton University.
1955Oral Roberts initiates a national weekly television show built around his healing crusades.
1960Episcopal priest Dennis Bennett, who recently had received the baptism of the Holy Spirit, accepts the pastorate at St. Luke’s Episcopal Church in Seattle, Washington, which becomes a primary dissemination point for the charismatic movement among Protestant denominations in the 1970s.
1963Assemblies of God minister Dave Wilkerson publishes best-selling The Cross and the Switchblade describing his ministry with street gangs.
1970sA number of Charismatic fellowships from within the larger non-Pentecostal denominations (United Methodist, Baptist, Lutheran, Presbyterian, reformed, etc.) nurture the spread of the Charismatic experience. Most denominations offer official responses that vary from denunciation to cautious acceptance of the movement.
1972–73Leon Joseph Cardinal Suenens (Belgium) assumes a leadership role in the developing Catholic Charismatic Movement.
1978African American evangelist Frederick K. C. Price launches national television ministry representative of the Positive Confession (“Name It-Claim It”) movement.
1987Christian television is scandalized with the resignation of Jim Bakker (and his subsequent arrest and conviction) over financial mismanagement of funds raised through the PTL ministry he headed.
1992Pentecostal Fellowship of North America, largely consisting of the large white Pentecostal denominations, is disbanded and superseded by the
 Pentecostal/Charismatic Churches of North America, an inter-racial fellowship which also includes newer Charismatic church bodies.
2006Pentecostals gather in Los Angeles to celebrate the centennial of the Apostolic Faith Mission established on Azusa Street and the revival that launched their movement.

their regional and national church bodies to have only advisory authority over the local churches. In connectional churches, the regional and national church bodies have varying levels of power to legislate on doctrinal and organizational matters. Some Pentecostal churches with a connectional polity are close to a presbyterial system; some are close to an episcopal system with bishops (and superintendents).


Two noticeable trends were evident in Pentecostalism in the last half of the twentieth century. First, among the second- and third-generation Pentecostal denominations, a marked tendency to lessen the overtly emotional, loud, and spontaneous style has arisen, particularly in urban centers. Symbolic is the regular use of printed weekly church bulletins that specify an order of worship for the Sunday morning service.

Also, these same Pentecostal bodies have pursued the development of ecumenical structures both among themselves and with non-Pentecostal churches. Ecumenical efforts within Pentecostalism began with the World Conference of Pentecostals held at Zurich, Switzerland, in May 1947. This conference inspired the formation of the Pentecostal Fellowship of North America (PFNA), constituted at Des Moines, Iowa, in October 1948. This body had among its members all the larger Trinitarian Pentecostal denominations (17 Canadian and U.S. bodies representing more than one million members in 1970). The PFNA was a predominantly white organization, and following a meeting at which the problem of racism within the Pentecostal movement was brought to the fore, the member churches disbanded the organization. They then joined with several predominantly black groups to found the Pentecostal/Charismatic Fellowship of North America.

Meetings of Pentecostals around the world continued (Paris, 1949; London, 1952; Stockholm, 1955; Toronto, 1958; Jerusalem, 1961; Helsinki, 1964; Rio de Janeiro, 1967; and Dallas, 1970). Along with these conferences, which meet every three years, there have been attempts, increasingly successful, to engage the older ecumenical bodies in dialogue. Emerging as the central figure in the effort was David J. DuPlessis (1905–1987), a South African Assemblies of God minister. DuPlessis was a key organizer of the early world Pentecostal conferences, worked on the staff of the Second Assembly of the World Council of Churches in Evanston, Illinois, in 1954, and generally served as Pentecostalism’s roving ambassador to non-Pentecostal Christians. The world conferences eventually led at the beginning of the new century to the formation of a more permanent global Pentecostal organization, the World Pentecostal Fellowship.

The growing cooperation among Pentecostal bodies culminated in 2006 with a series of events designed to mark the centennial of the Azusa Street revival in Los Angeles (which has generally replaced the original events surrounding Parham in Kansas as the founding event of the Pentecostal movement). The primary celebrations occurred in April, with Trinitarian and Oneness Pentecostals holding separate events, though all events were open to any of the estimated 250,000 people who attended.

The second trend within Pentecostalism has been the regular outbreaks of international Pentecostal revivals that are seen both as recapitulating the revival at Azusa Street in the face of a movement that many feel has lost much of the original Pentecostal spirit, and as signaling the hoped-for culmination of this age. The first such revival in the years following World War II (1939–1945) began in 1948 in western Canada and was known as the Latter Rain revival. It was followed by the healing revival of the 1960s, led by William M. Branham. In the late 1960s, the charismatic movement brought Pentecostalism into the Roman Catholic Church and all of the major Protestant denominations. Each of these revivals became the source of doctrinal and behavioral disagreements, and each soon led to the formation of new Pentecostal denominations. More recently, a new wave of revivalism, which some have termed the “third wave,” has swept the charismatic churches that are entering their second generation, and it in turn has created further new denominations.


Doctrinal, racial, and linguistic differences have led Pentecostals to divide into seven subfamilies. Additional small groups may be discerned, such as the snake handlers, but the far-reaching divisions have resulted in only seven subfamilies. In general, Pentecostals fall into three doctrinal groups, all of which are split along racial lines. After a period of racial harmony in the first generation, whites either withdrew or pushed black members out of interracial denominations, and only a few groups, such as the Pentecostal Assemblies of the World, are able to hold a significant minority membership across racial lines. Until the 1980s, for example, African Americans were still largely excluded from the Pentecostal ecumenical bodies. Differences over the doctrines of Holiness and the Trinity divided Pentecostals into three main groupings, while race further divided them into six.

In the meantime, Pentecostalism was carried by Spanish-speaking people who attended the revival at Azusa Street to Mexico and then to South America. There it developed a life of its own, and numerous indigenous Pentecostal denominations have arisen. As immigration from Latin America began to increase in the last half of the twentieth century, members of these groups established branches of primarily Puerto Rican and Mexican churches in Spanish-speaking neighborhoods in the cities of the United States. These have been integrated into the move to acknowledge Hispanic peoples’ rights in the country and have emerged in such strength as to now constitute a separate subfamily of Pentecostal churches.

The earliest doctrinal disagreement occurred between those Pentecostals who came out of the Holiness movement, primarily former Methodists, and those who came directly into the Pentecostal experience, primarily former Baptists. The Holiness people saw the Pentecostal experience (receiving the baptism of the Holy Spirit and speaking in tongues) as a third experience following justification and sanctification. The Baptists insisted that any believer was capable of receiving the Pentecostal experience, without the intermediate “second blessing” assuring sanctification, the key experience of the Holiness movement. Many Pentecostals split over the issue of two experiences (justification and the baptism of the Holy Spirit) or three experiences (justification, sanctification, and the baptism of the Holy Spirit). The Baptist-based Pentecostals generally trace their beginning to William H. Durham (1873–1912), the Chicago Baptist minister who preached what he termed the finished work message.

No sooner had these two positions become evident than another serious theological issue arose. A group of ministers began to preach a “Jesus only” doctrine that amounted to a monotheism of the second person of the Trinity. This divergence began as a reflection on the formula pronounced over a person being baptized, but the implications of baptizing in the name of Jesus only led to a critique of the classical Trinitarianism of the church councils of the fourth century. This denial of the Trinity, by what are generally termed Apostolic Pentecostals, reaches back to the centuries-old consensus of Christianity and resulted in the most serious family split. The “Jesus only” people generally do not participate in the family ecumenical structures. African Americans have formed especially large denominations of the “Jesus only” type.

A discussion of Pentecostal subfamilies would be incomplete without a mention of neo-Pentecostalism, the movement during the 1960s and 1970s to form Pentecostal fellowships within the mainline Christian denominations. NeoPentecostalism also goes by the name of charismatic renewal. Its leaders, who were never a part of the older Pentecostal bodies, formed charismatic fellowships through the 1970s within the Roman Catholic, Lutheran, United Methodist, Presbyterian, and Episcopal churches. These fellowships served two functions. First, they provided a home for like-minded people and thus kept many Pentecostals within their mainline Christian churches, making unnecessary their move to the older Pentecostal churches. At the same time, however, charismatic fellowships increasingly became the birthing ground of new denominations, separate from both the older Pentecostal churches and the mainline Christian churches. These new charismatic denominations largely follow the doctrinal lead of the Assemblies of God and differ from it primarily by their unwillingness to use the name Pentecostal, which is still a derogatory term in some circles, as opposed to charismatic.


In 1913 at a Los Angeles Pentecostal camp meeting, the fledgling Pentecostal movement, barely beginning its second decade of existence, came face to face with a new issue. Robert E. McAlister (1880–1953), a popular preacher, speaking before a baptismal service, shared his thoughts that, in the apostolic church, baptism was not done with a Trinitarian formula but in the name of Jesus Christ. While raising much opposition, McAlister’s message found favor with a few, such as Frank J. Ewart (1876–1947) and John C. Scheppe (1870–1939). Scheppe’s emotional acceptance of the “new” idea had a powerful impact on the camp. Ewart afterward joined McAlister in a revival meeting in Los Angeles and began to note results whenever he called upon the name of Jesus.

The movement spread under the leadership of Ewart and evangelist Glenn A. Cook (1867–1948). They were able to bring in such key leaders as Garfield Thomas Haywood (1880–1931), E. N. Bell (1866–1923), and H. A. Goss (1883– 1964), all prominent leaders in the Assemblies of God. Ewart soon became editor of Meat in Due Season, the first Oneness periodical.

The advocacy of Oneness ideas, mostly by churches that in 1914 came together to form the Assemblies of God, culminated in a discussion and decision in 1916 at the Assemblies of God General Council meeting in St. Louis, Missouri. A strong Trinitarian stance was placed within the Statement of Beliefs. One hundred and sixty-six ministers were expelled by that act, and many Assemblies of God were lost; the era of formation of Oneness churches began.

The Oneness Pentecostals deny the traditional Christian doctrine of the Trinity in favor of an affirmation of the “oneness” of God. Jesus is identified with God the Father (Isaiah 9:6, John 10:30) and God the creator (John 1:1) as the bodily presence of God. The Holy Spirit is not considered a third person within the Trinity but the spirit and power of God and Christ. Salvation is by repentance, and water baptism is considered an essential part of salvation. Baptism is by immersion in the name of Jesus only (Acts 2:38). Oneness people avoid the common Trinitarian formula taken from Matthew 28:19.

Apart from the Trinitarian and baptismal questions, Oneness people are typical Pentecostals. The Oneness message has had particular appeal among African Americans, and the largest bodies are primarily black in membership. Of the several Apostolic Churches, the United Pentecostal Church is the largest predominantly white church.


There has been vigorous discussion in both popular and scholarly literature of the link between black religion and Pentecostalism. Much of this discussion was plainly derogatory, bordering on racism. Pentecostalism, distinguished by its emotionalism and escapism, has been seen as an example of “primitive” religious forms. Fortunately, the growth of neo-Pentecostalism has led to a complete reevaluation of the authenticity of the Pentecostal forms as basic religious expressions. With the new appreciation comes the opportunity to see, with a new perspective, the key role that African Americans played in the early development of Pentecostalism, and more importantly, the manner in which they have taken the form far beyond its development by their white brothers and sisters.

Modern Pentecostalism began in the short-lived Topeka Bible School founded by Charles Parham. Among those students who received the baptism of the Holy Spirit was an African-American woman, Sister Lucy Farrow, who took Pentecostalism to Houston and opened the door for Parham to begin his Bible school there. Among his pupils was W. J. Seymour, a black minister with the Church of God (Anderson, Indiana). After Seymour received Parham’s message, he traveled to Los Angeles, where in 1906 he gathered a group of black believers in meetings that were eventually held at the Azusa Street Mission. As the gifts of the Spirit became manifest, whites began to attend the meetings and receive baptism from Seymour, who led the services.

Racism was overcome for only a short time; almost immediately, white leaders began to develop their own movements. Although most Pentecostal churches remained integrated for one or two decades, eventually almost all of the groups split along racial lines. There is little doubt that the early splintering among Pentecostals throughout the country was because the black leadership at Azusa was unacceptable to whites.

The preaching of “Jesus only” by Garfield Thomas Haywood, a black minister in Indianapolis, forced the Assemblies of God to deal with the Oneness doctrine that denied the Trinity. Haywood’s congregation became a nucleus for the first Oneness denomination, the Pentecostal Assemblies of the World.

Often overlooked by Pentecostal historians was mother Mary Magdalena Tate (1871–1930). She began preaching in Holiness circles in Alabama around the turn of the century, but as the Pentecostal movement began, she accepted the Azusa message and organized her following in 1908 in Greenville, Alabama. She led the church until her death, at which time it split into three factions, but continues today as a strong influence in African-American Pentecostalism.

Pentecostalism swept through the black community and created some large, if relatively hidden, denominations. They compiled impressive figures for foreign mission work in Africa and the West Indies, where Pentecostalism has become a significant element in the larger Christian community. The Church of God in Christ now claims upwards of six million members worldwide, and is one of the five largest denominations in America.


Almost from the beginning, healing has been a major emphasis of the Pentecostal movement. It represents the culmination of a healing movement begun in evangelical churches by Charles Cullis (1833–1892), an Episcopal physician in Boston who held healing services at his summer camp in Old Orchard, Maine. Albert Benjamin Simpson (1843–1919) was healed at this camp and later made healing part of his fourfold gospel that presented Christ as savior, sanctifier, healer, and coming king. In the early years of the twentieth century, F. F. Bosworth (1870–1958), Paul Rader (1879–1938), John G. Lake (1870–1935), and Smith Wigglesworth (1859–1947) were popular healing evangelists and, of course, Aimee Semple McPherson became the most popular of all. The years between the wars saw the emergence of numerous independent healing evangelists, who later became popular targets of exposé writers.

After World War II, a group consciousness developed among some of the Pentecostal evangelists. In 1946 the Reverend William M. Branham, then a Baptist minister, claimed a visit by an angel and was told to start a healing ministry. That visit was the beginning of a remarkable “supernatural” ministry of healings, prophecies, and other paranormal phenomena. Branham began to tour the country in revival meetings. In 1947 Gordon Lindsay (1906–1973) began The Voice of Healing Magazine. Gradually, without giving up their independence, other evangelists became associated with Branham. In the years since Branham’s death in 1965, deliverance ministers have emerged as a significant force within Pentecostalism.

In many cases, the deliverance evangelists have remained independent and travel at the request of churches or groups such as the Full Gospel Businessman’s Fellowship. Others lead large evangelistic missionary organizations. Evelyn Wyatt, T. L. Osborn (b. 1923), and Morris Cerullo (b. 1931) have headed such organizations. Others became heads of church-forming bodies (both in the United States and abroad) that constitute new primary religious groups. These included Branham, Lindsay, and Kathryn Kuhlman, as well as W. V. Grant (1914–1983) and A. A. Allen (1911–1970). For most of the above, evangelistic endeavors among members of Pentecostal and mainline Christian churches were the primary activity, with their deliverance churches forming relatively small bases of operation.

As the first generation of healing evangelists has departed, it has left the healing ministry as a major theme in Pentecostalism, though few evangelists have emerged who are primarily known as healing ministers, Benny Hinn (b. 1952), based in Orlando, Florida, being the most prominent. The Pentecostal healing ministry encountered an obstacle in the 1970s when one of its number, Marjoe Gortner, did a book and movie exposé describing corrupting elements. Then, in 1987, magician James Randi, who believes that all religious healing is essentially fraudulent, published an attack on healing evangelists. He was particularly harsh on some, such as W. V. Grant Jr. and Peter Popoff, whom he accused of outright fraud, while being mildly appreciative of the sincerity, if misguided, of the likes of Church of God minister Ernest Angley (b. 1921). Three years later, Grant was among several Pentecostal ministers included in an ABC Primetime Live exposé of the financial irregularities of television evangelists. Grant subsequently went to prison for several years, but later resumed his ministry. Meanwhile, healing evangelist Leroy Jenkins was also caught up in legal problems, and went to prison (1979–1982), but later was vindicated and given a pardon by the governor of South Carolina.


One group of Pentecostals are sharply distinguished from the rest by their peculiar practice of “preaching the signs.” In the Gospel of Mark 16:17–18, Jesus promised his followers that certain signs would accompany them: speaking in tongues, the ability to heal the sick, and the casting out of demons. Most Pentecostals accept these three. Those who “preach the signs,” however, go beyond these to accept Jesus’ further promise that they may take up venomous serpents and drink poisons without experiencing any harm. This promise has led to the practice popularly called snake handling. The original group that practiced the signs, that is, that handled snakes and drank poison (usually strychnine) in worship services, arose soon after the Pentecostal movement spread to the Appalachian Mountain region.

In 1909 George Went Hensley (c.1880–1955), a preacher with the Church of God (Cleveland, Tennessee) in rural Grasshopper Valley, became convinced that the references in Mark 16 about taking up poisonous snakes and drinking poison were, in fact, commands. He captured a rattlesnake and brought it to an open-air revival meeting for participants to handle as a test of their faith. In 1914 Ambrose J. Tomlinson (1865–1943), head of the Church of God, asked Hensley to demonstrate snake handling to the church’s annual assembly, and, with Tomlinson’s tacit approval, the practice soon spread throughout the mountainous and rural South.

Those who engage in snake handling are Pentecostals who accept the basic theology by which people seek and receive the baptism of the Holy Spirit, evidenced by speaking in tongues. Snake handlers also accept the rigid ethical code of most Holiness and Pentecostal bodies: Dress is plain; the Bible is consulted on all questions in an attempt to discern worldly behavior; and the kiss of peace is prominent. The snake handlers, however, go beyond the Pentecostals in their belief that holding venomous reptiles and drinking poison are signs of an individual’s faith and possession of the Holy Spirit. The handling of snakes and drinking of poison are done while in an ecstatic state, referred to by members as “being in the Spirit.”

The first and crucial test of the practice of snake handling was the near-fatal bite received by Garland Defries, which led to much unfavorable publicity and caused many snake handlers, who thought themselves immune to bites, to reevaluate the practice. Snake handling came under considerable attack within the Church of God, whose leaders denounced it as fanaticism. In 1928 the church formally forbade its continuation, thus forcing the snake handlers into separate congregations and small churches, primarily in rural areas.

A second test of snake handling came in 1945 when Lewis Ford, a member of the Dolly Pond Church of God with Signs Following (Dolly Pond, Tennessee), was fatally bitten. His death brought the first widespread public attention to the dangers of snake handling and led the State of Tennessee to legislate against it. Despite this legislation, the practice continues in clandestine meetings in Tennessee and throughout the South.

Periodically, a person will be bitten and die at a snake-handling meeting. Such rare occurrences usually become the subject of media attention, with accompanying outcries against the practice. However, given their infrequency, these deaths have usually led to little more than a few ephemeral attempts to regulate the behavior of church members. The churches soon resume their normal routine. In 1975 some meaningful action was taken following the death of two church members from drinking poison. The Tennessee Supreme Court moved to strengthen that state’s prohibitions on both snake handling and the ingestion of poison at religious services.

Snake handlers were back in the news in 1991 when Glenn Summerford (b. 1945), a snake-handling preacher in Alabama, went on trial for forcing his wife Darlene to thrust her hand into a box of rattlesnakes. She survived, but Summerford was tried and convicted of attempted murder, for which he is serving a 99-year sentence. Over the twentieth century, in spite of the regular use of poisonous snakes in religious services in the eastern half of the United States and the regular ingestion of poison in seemingly lethal doses, relatively few have died—fewer than 100. Given the 10,000 to 15,000 people involved in snake-handling groups, it is surprising that only one or two deaths per decade have been reported.


During the mid-twentieth century, one new movement deeply affected the development of Pentecostalism. Beginning in a small Bible college in western Canada in 1948, the Latter Rain movement found enough initial support among leaders of the two largest Pentecostal groups in the United States and Canada, the Assemblies of God and the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada, that each moved quickly to suppress its influence among their ministers and churches.

The movement began as a revival at Sharon Orphanage and Schools in North Battleford, Saskatchewan, among students assembled by former Pentecostal Assemblies ministers George Hawtin and P. G. Hunt and Four-Square Gospel minister Herrick Holt. The revival was reportedly accompanied by a visible manifestation of the gifts of the Holy Spirit, especially healing. As word of the events spread, visitors came to North Battleford, and invitations were issued for the leaders to visit different parts of the continent.

As it developed, the movement was characterized by an emphasis on the gifts of healing and prophecy, the practice of laying-on-of-hands to impart gifts to different people, and allegiance to the fivefold ministry of Ephesians 4:11. As the movement spread, its participants were accused of fanaticism, and the leadership of the Assemblies of God moved against it. In 1949 the general council passed a six-part resolution, denouncing the movement because, among other practices: (1) it relied too heavily on present-day apostles and prophets (i.e., a self-appointed charismatic leadership); (2) it practiced the confessing and pronouncing of forgiveness by one member upon another; (3) it advocated the practice of bestowing spiritual gifts by the laying-on-of-hands; and (4) it distorted scripture so as to arrive at conclusions not generally accepted by members of the Assemblies of God.

Though neither experienced any major wholesale defections, both the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada and the Assemblies of God began to lose pastors and churches. Possibly the most prominent defection was Stanley Frodsham (1882–1969), longtime editor of the Pentecostal Evangel, who withdrew from the Assemblies of God after its 1949 resolution. Within a short time, the Latter Rain movement was firmly entrenched in Vancouver, British Columbia; Portland, Oregon; Detroit, Michigan; Memphis, Tennessee; Los Angeles, California; and Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. During the 1950s, especially as the healing revival led by William Branham and Oral Roberts grew, the Latter Rain spread across the United States.

Many of the early centers grew into large congregations, and a few emerged as seeds for new denominations (or more precisely, congregational associations). Some of these were distinguished by the peculiar teachings and emphases of the founder or leader. Such groups as the Church of the Living Word, the Body of Christ Movement, and the International Evangelical Church and Missionary Association are prominent examples.

Through the last decades of the twentieth century, Pentecostalism was one of the growing communities within American Christianity, and the Latter Rain groups were among the most prominent segments of the movement. Shut out of the larger Pentecostal bodies, Latter Rain congregations grew quietly under the leadership of “apostles,” leaders who emerged out of their demonstrated ability at the founding and nurturance of new congregations. Latter Rain congregations found a champion in Dr. C. Peter Wagner (b.1930), a professor at Fuller Theological Seminary in Pasadena, California, who saw in the movement a new wave of Pentecostal revivalism. Through the 1990s, he led in founding several “apostolic” organizations that resulted in the 1999 founding of the International Coalition of Apostles, an ecumenical fellowship of apostles and the churches they lead. Wagner emerged as the coalition’s first presiding apostle.


Study of the twentieth-century Pentecostal tradition is focused by the Society for Pentecostal Studies, P.O. Box 3802, Cleveland, TN 37320-3802 (, which publishes the semiannual journal Pneuma. Significant archives are found at Oral Roberts University, Tulsa, OK 74105; the Pentecostal Research Center of the Church of God, PO Box 3448, Cleveland, TN 37320; and the Assemblies of God Archives, 1445 Boonville Ave., Springfield, MO 65892. For a number of years, the Assemblies of God Archives published the quarterly Assemblies of God Heritage.

Faupel, David W. The American Pentecostal Movement: A Bibliographical Essay. Wilmore, KY: Fisher Library, Asbury Theological Seminary, 1972. 56 pp.

Jones, Charles Edwin. A Guide to the Study of the Pentecostal Movement. 2 vols. Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1983.

———. Black Holiness: A Guide to the Study of Black Participation in Wesleyan Perfectionist and Glossolalic Pentecostal Movements. Metuchen, NJ: American Theological Library Association/Scarecrow Press, 1987. 388 pp.

———. The Charismatic Movement: A Guide to the Study of NeoPentecostalism with Emphasis on Anglo-American Sources. Philadelphia: Scarecrow Press, 1995.

Martin, Ira J. Glossolalia, the Gift of Tongues: A Bibliography. Cleveland, TN: Pathway Press, 1970. 72 pp.

General Sources

Anderson, Allan. An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2004. 302 pp.

Burgess, Stanley M., and Eduard M. Van der Maas, eds. The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements. Rev. ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002. 1278 pp.

Cox, Harvey. Fire from Heaven: The Rise of Pentecostalism Spirituality and the Reshaping of Religion in the Twenty-first Century. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1995. 368 pp.

Dempster, M. W., B. D. Klaus, and D. Petersen, eds. The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion made to Travel. Oxford: Regnum, 1999. 432 pp.

Faupel, D. William. The Everlasting Gospel: The Significance of Eschatology in the Development of Pentecostal Thought. Sheffield, U.K.: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996. 326 pp.

Hollenweger, Walter J. Pentecostalism: Origins and Developments Worldwide. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1997. 512 pp.

Hunter, Harold D. Spirit Baptism: A Pentecostal Alternative. Washington, DC: University Press of America, 1983. 310 pp.

Jacobsen, Douglas G. Thinking in the Spirit: Theologies of the Early Pentecostal Movement. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2003. 368 pp.

Kelsey, Morton T. Tongue Speaking: An Experiment in Spiritual Experience. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1964. 252 pp.

Kydd, Ronald A. N. Charismatic Gifts in the Early Church. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1984. 112 pp.

Poewe, Karla O., ed. Charismatic Christianity as a Global Culture. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1994. 290 pp.

Robinson, James. Pentecostal Origins: Early Pentecostalism in Ireland in the Context of the British Isles. London: Paternoster, 2005. 378 pp.

Sherrill, John L. They Speak with Other Tongues. Rev. ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Chosen Books, 2004. 190 pp.

Synan, Vinson. ed. The Century of the Holy Spirit: 100 Years of Pentecostal and Charismatic Renewal, 1901–2001. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson, 2001. 485 pp.

Historical Sources

Bartleman, Frank. How Pentecost Came to Los Angeles. Los Angeles: Author, 1928. 167 pp. Reprint, Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1980.

Blumhofer, Edith L., Russell P. Spittler, and Grant A. Wacker, eds. Pentecostal Currents in American Protestantism. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999. 273 pp.

Davis, Clars. Azusa Street Till Now: Eyewitness Accounts of the Move of God. Tulsa, OK: Harrison House, 1989. 144 pp.

Davis, George T. B. When the Fire Fell. Philadelphia: Million Testaments Campaign, 1945. 104 pp.

Dayton, Donald. “From Christian Perfection to the Baptism of the Holy Ghost”: A Study in the Origin of Pentecostalism. Chicago: Author, 1973.

Ewart, Frank J. The Phenomenon of Pentecost. Hazelwood, MO: World Aflame Press, 1975. 207 pp.

Frodsham, Stanley H. With Signs Following. Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House, 1946. 288 pp.

Gaver, Jessyca Russel. Pentecostalism. New York: Award Books, 1971. 236 pp.

Hollenweger, Walter J. The Pentecostals: The Charismatic Movement in the Church. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg, 1972. 572 pp.

Kendrick, Klaude. The Promise Fulfilled: A History of the Modern Pentecostal Movement. Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House, 1961. 237 pp.

McClug, L. Grant, Jr. Azusa Street and Beyond: Pentecostal Missions and Church Growth in the Twentieth Century. South Plainfield, NJ: Bridge, 1986. 220 pp.

Nichel, Thomas R. Azusa Street Outpouring. Hanford, CT: Great Commission International, 1979. 28 pp.

Riss, Richard Michael. The Latter Rain Movement of 1948 and the Mid-twentieth Century Evangelical Awakening. Vancouver, BC: Regent College, 1979.

Robeck, Cecil, Jr. The Azusa Street Mission & Revival: The Birth of the Global Pentecostal Movement. Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson 2006. 342 pp.

Valdez, A. C., and James F. Scheer. Fire on Azusa Street. Costa Mesa, CA: Gift Publications, 1980. 139 pp.

Wacker, Grant. Heaven Below: Early Pentecostals and American Culture. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001. 364 pp.

Wallace, Mary H. Profiles of Pentecostal Preachers. Hazelwood, MO: World Aflame Press, 1983. 2 vols.

Wagner, Wayne, ed. Touched by the Fire: Eyewitness Accounts of the Early Twentieth-Century Pentecostal Revival. Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1978. 163 pp.

Whittaker, Colin C. Seven Pentecostal Pioneers. Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House, 1983. 224 pp.

Glossolalia and the Spiritual Gifts

Goodman, Felicitas D. Speaking in Tongues: A Cross-Cultural Study of Glossolalia. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972. 175 pp.

Kildahl, John P. The Psychology of Speaking in Tongues. New York: Harper & Row, 1972. 110 pp.

Parham, Sarah E. The Life of Charles F. Parham. Joplin, MO: Press of the Hunter, 1969.

Samarin, William. Tongues of Men and Angels: The Religious Language of Pentecostalism. New York: Macmillan, 1972. 277 pp.

Sneck, William Joseph. Charismatic Spiritual Gifts: Phenomenological Analysis. Washington, DC: University Press of America, 1981. 298 p.

Apostolic or Oneness Pentecostals

Clanton, Arthur L. United We Stand. Rev. ed. Hazelwood, MO: Word Aflame Press, 1995. 336 pp.

Foster, Fred J. Their Story: Twentieth Century Pentecostals. Hazelwood, NJ: World Aflame Press, 1986. 187 pp.

Richardson, James C., Jr. With Water and Spirit. Martinsville, VA: Author, nd.

Symposium on Oneness Pentecostalism, 1988 and 1990. Hazelwood, MO: World Aflame Press, 1990. 336 pp.

Black Pentecostals

Hollenweger, Walter J. Black Pentecostal Concept. Special issue of Concept 30 (1970).

MacRobert, Iain. The Black Roots and White Racism of Early Pentecostalism in the USA. Basingstoke, U.K.: Macmillan, 1988. 142 pp.

Nelson, Douglas J. For Such a Time as This: The Story of Bishop William J. Seymour and the Azusa Street Revival. Ph.D. diss. Birmingham, U.K.: University of Birmingham, 1981.

Deliverance Movement

Harrell, David Edwin, Jr. All Things Are Possible: The Healing & Charismatic Revivals in Modern America. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1975. 320 pp.

Melton, J. Gordon. A Reader’s Guide to the Church’s Ministry of Healing. Independence, MO: Academy of Religion and Psychical Research, 1977. 80 pp.

Signs Movement

Carden, Karen W., and Robert W. Pelton. The Persecuted Prophets. New York: A. S. Barnes, 1976. 188 pp.

Covington, Dennis. Salvation on Sand Mountain: Snake Handling and Redemption in Southern Appalachia. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1994. 240 pp.

Holliday, Robert K. Tests of Faith. Oak Hill, WV: Fayette Tribune, 1968. 104 pp.

Kimbrough, David L. Taking Up Serpents: Snake Handlers of Eastern Kentucky. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1995. 232 pp.

La Barre, Weston. They Shall Take Up Serpents: Psychology of the Southern Snake-Handling Cult. New York: Schocken, 1969. 208 pp.

Charismatic Movement

Bradfield, Cecil David. Neo-Pentecostalism: A Sociological Assessment. Washington, DC: University Press of America, 1979. 83 pp.

Culpepper, Robert H. Evaluating the Charismatic Movement: A Theological and Biblical Appraisal. Valley Forge, PA: Judson Press, 1977. 192 pp.

O’Connor, Edward D. The Pentecostal Movement in the Catholic Church. Notre Dame, IN: Ave Maria Press, 1971.

Shakarian, Demos, with John Sherrill and Elizabeth Sherrill. The Happiest People on Earth: The Long-Awaited Personal Story of Demos Shakarian. Old Tappan, NJ: Chosen Books, 1975. 208 pp.

Non-Pentecostal Evaluations of Pentecostalism

Bauman, Louis S. The Tongues Movement. Winona Lake, IN: Brethren Missionary Herald Co., 1963. 47 pp.

Charismatic Countdown. Washington, DC: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1974.

Dollar, George W. The New Testament and New Pentecostalism. Minneapolis, MN: Central Baptist Theological Seminary, 1978. 141 pp.

Gustafson, Robert R. Authors of Confusion. Tampa, FL: Grace Publishing, 1971. 105 pp.

Kinghorn, Kenneth Cain. Gifts of the Spirit. Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1976. 126 pp.

Noorbergen, Rene. Charisma of the Spirit, in Search of a Supernatural Experience: A Journalist Looks at the Tongues Movement. Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press, 1973. 191 pp.

Robinson, Wayne A. I Once Spoke in Tongues. Atlanta: Forum House, 1973. 144 pp.

Latter Rain Movement

Hoekstra, Raymond G. The Latter Rain. Portland, OR: Wings of Healing, 1950. 52 pp.

Riss, Richard Michael. The Latter Rain Movement of 1948 and the Mid-Twentieth Century Evangelical Awakening. MA thesis. Vancouver, BC: Regent College, 1979.

Wagner, C. Peter. The New Apostolic Churches. Ventura, CA: Regal, 1998. 288 pp.