Jerusalem
JERUSALEM
Principal city of palestine, capital of modern Israel, and the "Holy City" of Jews, Christians, and Muslims. Its history is of universal interest, not only in the Biblical period, but also in the Christian Era.
Biblical Jerusalem
Jerusalem's name, topography and water supply, archeological excavations, history, and fortifications are questions of particular concern to students of Sacred Scripture.
Name. The original Hebrew name of the city, yerûšālēm, has been tendentiously vocalized in the Massoretic Text (MT) to the dual form of yerûšālaim or (five times) yerûšālayim, perhaps to indicate the two hills to which it spread, or to show its importance as the capital. The earlier, correct form, yerûšālem, is still shown in the Aramaic sections of the MT (Dn 5.2, 3; Ezr 4.12; 5.2, 15), and this is the pronunciation presupposed by the spelling yrwšlm of the Elephantine papyri. Both forms, yrwšlm and yrwšlym, are used indiscriminately on the shekels and half shekels of the First Revolt and in the dead sea scrolls. In the Septuagint (LXX), Ἱερουσαλήμ prevails in the protocanonical books, Ἱεροσόλυμα in the deuterocanonical books. In the NT, the more common form is Ἱερουσαλήμ. In the so-called Execration Texts, the Egyptians of the 19th century b.c. wrote the name of the city as ’wš’mm (for rwšlm ). In the Amarna Letters of the 14th century b.c., the name is spelled in cuneiform as Urušalim, and in the Akkadian inscriptions of the Assyrians and Babylonians (middle of the 1st millennium b.c.)
the ordinary spelling is Uršalimmu. In 1962 there was found in a cave about five miles south of Jerusalem an inscription of the 8th century b.c., written in ancient Hebrew (or Phoenician) script, with the oldest known form of the name yršlm. The folk etymologies that connect šālēm with Hebrew šālôm, "peace" (already witnessed to in Heb 7.2) and explain the meaning of the city's name as "city of peace," "vision of peace," or "possession of peace" are of no scientific value. The probable meaning is Foundation (yerû from the yrw, "to found") of (the god) Shalem. This god (šālēm ) is a well-known deity of the Semitic pantheon, and his birth is recounted in the texts of ugarit. Perhaps the word Salem (šālēm ) in Genesis 14.18 originally had nothing to do with Jerusalem; but apparently it was later understood as a synonym for Jerusalem, for it is so used in Ps 75 (76).3. Before David's capture of the city, the dominant clan among its mixed inhabitants was the Jebusites (yebûsî: Jos 15.8; 18.28), and so it was also known at that time as Jebus (yebûs: Jgs 19.10–11; 1 Chr 11.4–5). At present, its official name is Yerushalayim in the State of Israel, and El-Quds ("the holiness," i.e., holy place; cf. "the holy city" in Is 52.1; Mt 4.5; 27.53; Rv 11.2) in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.
Topography and Water Supply. Jerusalem is situated at 35°14' east longitude and 31°46' north latitude (about the same latitude as El Paso, Tex.), near the water divide on the central limestone plateau of Palestine, 32 miles east of the Mediterranean Sea and 14 miles west of the northern end of the Dead Sea. It has the general form of an inclined plain, somewhat wider and higher in the north than in the south, and surrounded on the east, south, and west by valleys that give it the appearance of a promontory. Actually, the city spreads over two hills that are separated by a valley running down from north to south, from the present Damascus Gate to the Pool of Siloam. In Roman times this was known as the Tyropoeon Valley or Valley of the Cheesemakers (τυροποι[symbol omitted]ν); the present Arabic-speaking inhabitants call it simply el-Wād (the valley). The two hills are more noticeable at the southern end of the valley, where they face each other on the east and west outside the south wall of the present "Old City." The western hill is higher (c. 2,525 feet above sea level) and broader than the eastern hill and is divided by
a slight east-west depression into the higher land at Herod's Gate (near Calvary) in the north and the higher land at the Cenacle (Christian Sion) in the south. The valley that skirts it at the west and south was known in Biblical times as the Valley of (the sons of) Hinnom, in Hebrew, gê’ (benê ) hinnôm, whence the word gehenna; it is now called Wadi er-Rabābi. The eastern hill is less high (c. 2,425 feet above sea level) and less wide. Two slight depressions divide it into three elevations, decreasing in height from north to south: Bezetha, the Temple area (identified in post-exilic times with the Mount Moria of Abraham's sacrifice: cf. 2 Chr with Gn 22.2), and Ophel (Neh 3.26), now called edh-Dhahūra. On the east the Biblical valley of the Kidron, now called Wadi en-Nār, separates the eastern hill of Jerusalem from the mount of olives and its southern extension, the so called Mount of Scandal (or Offense: cf. 2 Kgs 23.13), now called Jebel Baṭn el-Hawa.
On the western side of the Kidron Valley, at the foot of Ophel, is the strong, intermittent spring of water known in OT times as Gihon (1 Kgs 1.33), now called in Arabic ’Ain Umm ed-Derej (Spring of the Mother of the Steps), from the double flight of 32 steps by which one now descends to the spring, or, especially by the Christians, ’Ain Sitti Maryam (Spring of Lady Mary) from the traditional tomb of the Blessed Virgin Mary further up the Kidron Valley. This copious, perennial source of water is the primary reason why the hill of Ophel, just above it, has been settled by men ever since prehistoric times. In the archeological explorations around this spring that were begun by C. Warren in 1867 and resumed by the Parker Mission between 1909 and 1914, there was discovered a shaft tunnel by which the spring could be reached from within the ancient city. This tunnel is apparently the ṣinnôr (poorly translated as "gutter" in the Douay Version) by which Joab gained access to the city when he captured it for David (2 Sm 5.8). At the time of King Ahaz (c. 735–715) there were two pools or reservoirs at the southern end of Ophel, each of which received its water from Gihon through a conduit (te'ālâ ) constructed along the base of the hill. Isaiah speaks of this water as "the waters of Siloam" (Is 8.6), the Hebrew word šīlōaḥ, "the sending," being another term for conduit. The two reservoirs at the southern end of Ophel, one of which was on somewhat higher ground than the other, were known simply as "the Upper Pool" (habberēkâ ha’elyônâ: Is 7.3; 36.2) and "the Lower Pool" (habberēkâ hattaḥtônâ. Is 22.9). Since the Gihon spring and the conduits that brought its water to these pools lay exposed to besieging enemies, King Hezekiah (c. 715–687), in preparing for Sennacherib's siege (701 b.c.), had a tunnel cut under Ophel connecting Gihon with the "old" Upper Pool, "the Pool of Siloam" (Jn9.7, 11), which he renovated (Is 22.9–11; 2 Kgs 20.20; Sir 48.17). He could thus block up and conceal the outside entrance to Gihon and discontinue the use of the exposed conduits. The Siloe (Siloam) tunnel (c. 600 yards long), a remarkably skillful work of engineering for that time (see siloam inscription), still brings the water from ’Ain Sitti Maryam to the Pool of Siloe, now called Birket Silwān. The old Lower Pool, at present silted up and used as a vegetable garden, is now called Birket el-Ḥamra.
A little to the southeast of Ophel, at the juncture of the Kidron and the Hinnom valleys, is a poorer spring, En-ragel (Jos 15.7; 18.16; 2 Sm 17.17; 1 Kgs 1.9). With the present silting up of the valley, it is now considerably below the surface; its modern Arabic name is Bir Ayyub, "Job's Well." It is often considered, though not with certainty, the same as the 'ên hattannîn [Dragon's (?) Well] of Nehemiah 2.13. The Pool of bethesda near the Sheepgate in Jerusalem (Jn 5.2) has been discovered and excavated near the Church of St. Ann.
No doubt, many houses in Jerusalem had their own cisterns for the storage of rain water (2 Kgs 18.31; Prv5.15), and probably there were public cisterns also (cf. 2 Sm 23.15; 2 Chr 26.10). Modern Jerusalem has several public cisterns, such as Birket Ḥammam el-Baṭrak, Birket es-Sultān, Birket Mamilla, and Birket Sitti Maryam. The main water supply for modern Arab Jerusalem comes from the strong springs and reservoir in Wadi el-Fāra (Biblical Parah: Jos 18.23; Jer 13.4–7), about ten miles northeast of the city. Water for Israeli Jerusalem is pumped up from the reservoir fed by the powerful spring of Rās el-’Ain near ancient Antipatris.
Archeological Excavations. The archeology of Jerusalem presents special difficulties both because the city has often suffered violent destruction and because a large part of the ancient city, at least as it was at the time of Christ, is still thickly settled. Almost all the archeological excavations have been to the south of the southern wall of present-day Jerusalem. Fortunately, this thinly settled section contains the oldest part of ancient Jerusalem. A brief summary is given here in chronological order of the chief archeological explorations of the city.
Older Explorations. From 1867 to 1870 C. Warren explored the land below the southeast corner of the H: aram esh-Sherīf (area of Herod's Temple) and discovered the ancient well now known as Warren's Well. From 1880 to 1881 G. Schick and H. Guthe made soundings along the eastern base of Ophel from Birket el-Ḥamra to
’Ain Sitti Maryam. From 1894 to 1897 F. I. Bliss and A.C. Dickie explored the Wadi er-Rabābi and excavated at the eastern side of Birket el-Ḥamra and among the ruins of a Byzantine church at the north of the Pool of Siloam.
Between 1904 and 1914 the Parker Mission made further explorations of the various tunnels and conduits connected with the Gihon Spring. At the same time L. H. Vincent published studies of the blind tunnels, Warren's Well, the second conduit, and Hezekiah's tunnel. In 1913 and 1914 and again in 1923 and 1924, R. W. Weil made methodical excavations in the southern part of edh-Dhahūra, where he discovered many ancient tombs, including the so-called royal necropolis, as well as important sections of ancient city-walls and the remnant of a large tower, which he identified with "the Tower of Siloam" of Luke 13.4. From 1923 to 1925 R. A. S. Macalister and G. Duncan made excavations at the northern end of Ophel, where they believed they discovered the northern limit of the Canaanite city with its moat that ran in an east-west direction across the hill and with its complicated system of city walls. Within the city an outcropping of rock was described as an altar. On the eastern edge of the hill, above the Gihon Spring, a well-preserved section of the city wall was dated to the Jebusite period, and the
adjoining tower to the period of David or Solomon. In 1927 J. W. Crowfoot discovered, in a deep excavation in the Tyropoeon Valley, remnants of a large city gate that gave access to the western side of the original city. It was built in the Bronze Age and continued in use until the Hellenistic period. From 1925 to 1927 E. L. Sukenik and L. A. Mayer studied the groups of stone blocks left in a line at intervals some distance to the north of the present northern wall of Jerusalem, and they attributed them to the so-called Third Wall of the city. Between 1934 and 1940 and in 1947, C. N. Johns identified the remnants of Hellenistic and Herodian constructions in the Citadel (the so-called Tower of David) near the Jaffa Gate. In 1940R. W. Hamilton made a sounding at the Damascus Gate and studied part of the Turkish wall.
From 1961 to 1963, K. Kenyon of the British School of Archeology and Père R. de Vaux of the École Biblique undertook a series of excavations at various points around the city, in order to check, according to the strict methods of modern scientific archeology, the findings of the earlier explorations of Jerusalem's system of defenses. A long trench that was dug in 1961 from the foot of the wall on top of Ophel that Macalister had discovered in 1925 down to the Gihon Spring showed that the so-called "fine example of Canaanite wall" rested on houses that had been built in the 8th century b.c., and that the so-called Davidic-Solomonic tower was really a construction of the 2nd century b.c. Along the trench there were found remnants of houses from the Early Bronze Age (3rd millennium b.c.) and Iron Age II (900–600 b.c.) and, at 50 yards above the spring, part of a massive wall ascribed to the 18th century b.c. In 1961 and 1962 these dates were fully confirmed, and the massive wall of the 18th century b.c. was shown to have formed the eastern limit of the Canaanite city. The city that David captured from the Jebusites was not limited to the top of the hill of Ophel, as was previously thought, but it spread out over the steep eastern side of the hill, and so it remained until it was completely destroyed by nebuchadnezzar in 587 b.c. When Nehemiah rebuilt the walls of Jerusalem in the second half of the 5th century b.c., he did not follow the line of the ancient eastern wall, but built a new wall on top of the hill, as can be seen from the position of the pottery from the Persian period.
It was along this new wall of Nehemiah's that Jonathan, c. 143 b.c. (1 Mc 12.37), built the fortress tower that had formerly been attributed to Solomon. Likewise, the soundings made at the southern and western parts of Ophel showed that the walls that Bliss and Guthe had ascribed to the time of the kings of Judah were really only of the 1st century b.c. Although the findings of this most recent archeological campaign at Jerusalem are not definitive, and further campaigns are announced, it can now be stated with certainty that both in the pre-exilic period and in the first few centuries of the post-exilic period the city was situated on the eastern hill, that is, between the Kidron Valley and the Tyropoeon Valley; the city gate in the Tyropoeon Valley that Crowfoot discovered in 1927 should have, even then, made this certain.
Biblical History of Jerusalem. This can be conveniently divided into three periods: (1) from earliest settlements to David's capture of the city (c. 3000–1000 b.c.); from David's conquest to the Babylonian destruction of the city (1000–587); from Nehemiah's rebuilding of the city to its destruction by the Romans in a.d. 70.
From Earliest Settlement to David's Conquest. Aborigines lived at various periods of the Paleolithic and Neolithic ages in caves near the Gihon Spring until they were supplanted by people possessing a higher culture and acquainted with the use of bronze. These people who invaded Palestine in the course of the 4th millennium b.c. the OT calls Canaanites—a term to be understood more in a geographic than in an ethnologic or linguistic sense (see canaan and canaanites). The numerous samples of pottery dating from the end of the Chalcolithic Age to the end of the Early Bronze Age that the Parker Mission gathered from the caves on Ophel give concrete evidence of a primitive urban nucleus on this hill during the 3rd millennium b.c.
The Amorrite clan of Jebusites, who understood the importance of the Gihon Spring, settled on the hill above the spring, and to the natural defenses of the steep hill they added a strong encircling stone wall. In the center of their settlement they built for their king a fortress"palace" (no doubt of very modest proportions), which was known by the indigenous name of zion (ṣīyôn ), and to ensure their water supply in case of siege, they dug a secret shaft tunnel (ṣinnôr ) that gave them access from within the city to the Gihon Spring. According to a Jewish tradition that was already known to Josephus (Ant. 1.10.2), it was in this city that Melchisedec, a priest of el elyon (the Most High God), ruled as king at the time when Abraham lived a seminomadic life in Palestine (Gn 14.17). Having come under Egyptian domination after the conquest of Palestine by Thutmose III (c. 1490–1436 b.c.), the mixed population of Jebusite Urušalim ("Your father was an Amorrite and your mother a Hittite": Ez 16.3) was governed as vassals of Pharaoh. At that time, it seems, members of a military caste were installed there, as can be deduced from a tomb, discovered in 1954 on the Mount of Olives, that contained much pottery of the Middle and Late Bronze Age and Egyptian imports, such as alabaster vessels, seals, scarabs, and weapons. Even the city's ruler with the partly Hurrian name of ‘Abdi (Putu-) Ḫepa sent a message (as known from the Amarna Letters) from his lofty fortress city asking Pharaoh to defend his Bît Šulmān (capital) from the attacks of the ha biru (Habiri) marauders. At the time of the Israelite invasion under joshua, the city's King Adonizedek made himself head of a league of neighboring Amorrite kings in an effort to withstand and stop the invasion at Gibeon (Jos 10.1–6). Although captured and put to death by Joshua (Jos 10.23–26), Adonizedek left his city so strongly fortified that it was able to hold out against the Israelite invaders for more than two centuries (Jgs 1.21;19.10–12).
From David's Conquest to Babylonian Destruction. After David had reigned for seven years at Hebron, he finally succeeded in capturing Jerusalem, which he forthwith made the political and religious center of his kingdom. David's general Joab apparently caught the Jebusite garrison by surprise when he led his men up the secret shaft tunnel (the ṣinnôr ) that connected the Gihon Spring with the center of the city (2 Sm 5.6–8;1 Chr 11.4–6). The first care of the conqueror was to repair the walls of the city and, with the help of workmen sent by the King of Tyre, to build a new palace for himself on the acropolis of Zion, which, because he had captured it, became his personal property, "the City of David" (2 Sm5.9, 11). Later, he brought the ark of the covenant from Cariath-Jarim into Zion and installed it in its sacred tent on his acropolis; thus Jerusalem became the religious as well as the political center of the country.
David's son Solomon (c. 961–922), however, brought even more importance and splendor to the city by erecting, with the aid of skilled craftsmen sent by King Hiram of Tyre, a magnificent temple on the hill just to the north of the City of David (1 Kgs 5.1–6.38). The altar of holocaust in front (to the east) of the Temple was probably a little to the south of the sacred rock that is now in the center of the Muslim "Dome of the Rock" (the so called Mosque of Omar; see B. Bagatti, Biblica 46:428–444). Although this "house of Yahweh," the abode of the ark of the covenant, was surrounded by an inner and an outer courtyard (1 Kgs 6.36; Jer 36.10), these open spaces should not be thought of as occupying the vast space that is now the Haram esh-Sherīf. The latter does indeed correspond quite well with the courts of Herod's Temple, which were designed to hold immense crowds of pilgrims. But Solomon's temple, like the later sanctuary of Yahweh in the Northern Kingdom, was primarily the king's private chapel (cf. Am 7.13). To the south of the Temple and its courts were the royal palaces and government buildings (1 Kgs 7.1–12). But later constructions and destructions have apparently removed all traces of these buildings, so that their exact location (in part probably where the modern Mosque el-Aqṣa stands) is now unknown. Likewise uncertain is the nature of the Millo (literally "filling") that Solomon made (1 Kgs9.15–24; 11.27); probably it was a retaining wall with fill built to protect a weak section of the city wall between the City of David and the Temple area.
With the death of Solomon the city's growth was checked by the secession of the ten northern tribes of Israel, and Jerusalem remained henceforth the capital of merely the two tribes of Judah and Benjamin, ever more and more weakened by raids and invasions from without and by dissensions within. In the 5th year of Rehoboam's reign (c. 917 b.c.) King Shishak of Egypt invaded Palestine, captured Jerusalem, and pillaged its temple and royal palace (1 Kgs 14.25–26). About the year 897 b.c., King Asa of Judah impoverished the city in order to purchase the help of Ben-hadad of Syria against King Baasha of Israel (1 Kgs 15.18; 2 Chr 16.2–3). Toward the end of the 9th century b.c. King Joash had to pay immense tribute to Hazael of Damascus to have this Syrian king raise his siege of Jerusalem (2 Kgs 12.17–18). About the year 783 b.c., after Joash of Israel defeated Amaziah of Judah at the battle of Beth-Shemesh, the penalty that Jerusalem had to pay was not only a large indemnity from the Temple and palace treasures, but also the destruction of the northern wall of the city from the Ephraim Gate to the Corner Gate—a stretch of 600 feet (2 Kgs 14.13–14). Amaziah's successor, Uzziah, evidently repaired this damage, for he built fortified towers at the Corner Gate, the Valley Gate, and the Angle (2 Chr 26.9). The earthquake that occurred in the reign of Uzziah (Am 1.1; Zec 14.5) probably did much damage in the city, for his successor, Jotham (regent 750–742, king 742–735), had to repair the wall of Ophel (2 Kgs 15.35; 2 Chr 27.2–3). King Ahaz (735–715) again impoverished the city by paying a heavy tribute to the Assyrians for their help against Damascus (2 Kgs 16.5–9).
After the fall of Samaria in 721 b.c., Jerusalem probably received many refugees from the north. This growth in the city's population may be the reason why a section of Jerusalem was later known as the mišneh, "Second Ward" (2 Kgs 22.14; Zep 1.10). The work of King Hezekiah (715–687) in strengthening the defenses of the city under the threat of Sennacherib's siege, especially his construction of the tunnel under the hill of Ophel, to bring the water from the Gihon Spring into the Pool of Siloam, has been mentioned above. His successor, King Manasseh (687–642), made extensive repairs and new constructions in Jerusalem's defenses—"an outer wall for the City of David west of Gihon in the valley, and for the entrance of the Fish Gate, and around Ophel" (2 Chr 33.14). But all these measures proved useless against the battering rams of the Babylonians who besieged the city from Jan. 15, 588, until they captured it on July 30, 587. Its walls, its temple, and its houses were all completely demolished; its inhabitants were all either killed, enslaved, or deported into exile (2 Kgs 25.1–21).
From Nehemiah to Titus. After Cyrus issued his edict in favor of the Jews in 538 b.c., the people of the former Kingdom of Judah (or Jews, as they were now called) began to return in small groups to Palestine, and Jerusalem slowly revived. On the site of the ruined Temple of Solomon, Sheshbazzar began the building of a new Temple shortly after 538 b.c. (Ezr 5.16), but it was not until 515 b.c. that the Davidic prince Zerubbabel and the high priest Joshua were able to finish and dedicate it (Ezr6.15). The city walls, however, still lay in ruins until ne hemiah had new ones built, at least in some places on new lines, in 439 b.c. (Neh 2.11–6.15). Yet during the Persian period (538–333 b.c.) the city, under the rule of the Persian governors and the Jewish high priests, was apparently slow in recovering its former glory.
With the conquest of Palestine by Alexander the Great in 331 b.c., Jerusalem passed to the dominion of Greek rulers, first of the Ptolemies of Egypt, and then (after 198 b.c.) of the Seleucids of Syria. During this Hellenistic period (331–63) the city grew greatly in size and population, spreading out to the north and west over an area that had not formed part of the older town. In 168 b.c. King antiochus iv epiphanes of Syria pillaged the city and profaned its Temple (1 Mc 1.20–58). To keep control of the city, the Syrians built a strong citadel known as the Acra (1 Mc 3.45; 4.41; 6.18, etc.); it is uncertain whether it was situated on the southeast hill (Ophel) or on the southwest hill (the new part of the town). The strong Maccabean reaction, however, prevented the complete Hellenization of the city. After three years of hard fighting, Judas Maccabee recovered and purified the Temple (in 164 b.c.), which, in the language of that time, was spoken of as Mount Zion. Simon, the leader of the Maccabean party from 142 to 135 b.c., strengthened the fortifications of the city and finally succeeded in driving the Syrians from the Acra (1 Mc 13.49). During the following years of the Hasmonaean rulers, Jerusalem "the holy" (as it was called on the coins of the period) enjoyed a period of great prosperity, which was not greatly disturbed until the civil war that broke out in 69 b.c. between the Hasmonaean brothers Aristobulus II and Hyrcanus II and eventually led to Roman intervention. In 63 b.c. Pompey made Jerusalem tributary to Rome.
After herod the great, with the approval of Caesar Augustus, installed himself as king in Jerusalem in 37 b.c., this monarch embellished the city with many buildings in the Greco-Roman style: an agora, a theater, a gymnasium, and a hippodrome. On the western hill, near the present Jaffa Gate, he built a large fortress palace, which was protected by three towers, named respectively Hippicus after a friend of his, Phasael in memory of his older brother, and Mariamne in honor of his beloved Hasmonaean wife whom he had put to death. On the eastern hill, northwest of the Temple, there had been a fortress (bîrâ ) at least from the time of Nehemiah (Neh 2.8), which served as the headquarters of the Persian governor (Neh 7.2). Known as the Baris, it was repaired by the Hasmonaeans (Josephus, Ant. 15.11.4; 18.4.3). Herod rebuilt it and named it the Antonia in honor of the Roman triumvir Mark Anthony. Under the Roman procurators of Palestine it served as the barrack for the Roman soldiers who policed the city, and it may well have been the prae torium where Pilate condemned Jesus to death. The chief marvel, however, of Herod's building activity in Jerusalem was the Temple, which he completely rebuilt on a much grander scale than before and with surrounding courtyards, the present Ḥaram esh-Sherīf, more than twice their former size. This is the Temple mentioned so often in the NT. Part of the immense retaining wall for the southwestern part of its enclosure, now known as the Wailing Wall, is the best-preserved example of Herodian construction in the city.
In a.d. 66 the Jewish revolt against Rome broke out and ended in a.d. 70 with the destruction of the city and its Temple by the Romans under Titus. After the suppression of the revolt of bar kokhba in a.d. 135, Emperor Hadrian had the city completely rebuilt on the Roman plan and renamed Colonia Aelia Capitolina. The position of the city walls and the plan of its streets, with the main north-south avenue running from the Damascus Gate to the so-called Dung Gate and the transverse east-west avenue running from the Jaffa Gate to the Temple area, have been essentially preserved in the present "Old City" of Jerusalem.
Fortifications. The sparse and incidental topographical references to the walls and gates of Jerusalem that are given in 2 Samuel 5.9; 1 Kings 9.15; 2 Kings 14.13; 2 Chronicles 26.9; 27.3; 33.14, as well as the more detailed account of Nehemiah's nocturnal inspection of the city walls (Neh 2.11–15), his rebuilding of them (Neh3.1–32), and the procession at their dedication (Neh 12.27–39), do not give sufficiently consistent data for delineating the extent of the city in either the pre-exilic or the early postexilic period.
According to Josephus. Flavius Josephus (Bell. Jud. 5.4.2) gives a rather elaborate account of the defenses of the city at the time of the Roman siege of a.d. 68–70. But this is not easy to follow, and its author was evidently mistaken in thinking that two of the walls of the city of his time were the same as those of earlier periods. The city that he knew certainly extended over the western as well as the eastern hill. It was protected by three walls, which he calls simply the First, the Second, and the Third Wall. Only the First Wall, however, made a complete circuit; the Second and the Third Wall were constructions added successively at the northern limits of the city.
The First Wall, Josephus says, was the most ancient, having been built by David and Solomon and their successors. In the north it ran east from the Hippicus Tower (El Qala’ah or the Citadel of the present day) to the west side of the Temple area, probably in the vicinity of the Bāb es-Silsileh (Gate of the Chain) entrance to the Ḥaram esh-Sherīf; on the west and the south it ran from the Hippicus Tower south along the western and southern edge of the western hill, above the Wadi er-Rabābi, till it met the eastern wall a little south of the Pool of Siloe; on the east it ran north from the latter point along the eastern edge of the Ophel Hill till it came to the southeast corner of the Temple area. The Second Wall, according to Josephus, began at the Gennath Gate (unidentified, but probably just to the east of the Hippicus Tower) in the First Wall and, enclosing the northern part of the city, ended at the Antonia.
Despite the statement of Josephus, no part of his First Wall was built by David. The Jebusite city that David captured and named the City of David was solely the eastern hill, between the Kidron and the Tyropoeon valleys, but also including the eastern slope of this hill and thus extending east of the First Wall of Josephus, which was at the top of this hill. Solomon built his Temple and palaces on the hillock to the north of this hill. The Millo of Solomon by which "he closed the breach of the City of David" (1 Kgs 11.27) may have been the "filling" used in the intervening space, but this is uncertain. Although the city evidently grew somewhat under the later kings of Judah, as evidenced by the mention of the Mishneh of "Second Ward" (apparently a new addition to the city), and also by the references to the walls that these kings built or rebuilt (the Hebrew verb bānâ having both meanings), the extent of the city that the Babylonians destroyed has been a much disputed question, depending mostly on the interpretation of the data supplied by Nehemiah.
According to L. H. Vincent. The most ardent defender of the opinion that Josephus's First Wall represented the city wall at the time of the last kings of Judah has been L. H. Vincent. According to this eminent archeologist the northern section of the First Wall had a gate, at about halfway along its course, called the Ephraim Gate, because the road from it led northward to the region of Ephraim (the Northern Kingdom of Israel), and about 200 yards to the west of this, at the place where Herod later built the Hippicus Tower, was the Corner Gate (cf. 2 Kgs 14.13). The wall on the western and southern edge of the western hill was the same as this section of Josephus's First Wall; at a point shortly after it bent to the east was the Valley Gate (2 Chr 26.9; Neh 2.13, 15), which opened on the Hinnom Valley, and 500 yards to the east of this gate (Neh 3.13) was the Dung Gate (Neh 2.13; 3.14;12.31), which would thus be at the southeast corner of the wall. A short distance northward, up the Kidron Valley, was the Fountain Gate (Neh 2.14), near the Pool of Siloe and the stairs up to the City of David (3.15). Further up the Kidron Valley was the Water Gate (3.26; 8.1, 3;12.37), near the Gihon Spring, followed by the Horse Gate (3.28; Jer 31.40), near the southeast corner of the Temple area, and the Muster Gate (Neh 3.31), corresponding to the modern (walled-up) Golden Gate.
To the north of the northern section of this First Wall, according to Vincent, was the Mishneh or Second Ward (2 Kgs 22.14; Zep 1.10), and to protect this suburb, Hezekiah built the "outer wall" (2 Chr 32.5), which was the same as Josephus's Second Wall. Along this wall, from east to west, were the following gates and towers: the Sheep Gate (Neh 3.1–32; 12.39; cf. Jn 5.2), north of the Temple area; the Tower of the Hundred (Neh 3.1;12.39) and the Tower of Hananeel (ḥănan’ēl: 3.1; 12.39; Jer 31.38; Zec 14.10), at the northwest of the Temple area; the Fish Gate (Neh 3.3; 12.39; 2 Chr 33.14; Zep1.10), in the upper Tyropoeon Valley; the Old Gate (Neh3.6; 12.39); the Ephraim Gate (Neh 8.16; 12.39), which received its name from the Ephraim Gate in the First Wall whose place it took, and of which Vincent believed he found remnants under the modern Russian Hospice near the Basilica of the Holy sepulcher; and finally the Tower of the Ovens (Neh 3.11; 12.38), at the Corner Gate (2 Kgs 14.13; Jer 31.38) in the northwestern corner of the city.
According to More Recent Archeologists. Although this plan of the walls and towers of Jerusalem at the time of Nehemiah as drawn up by Vincent was reproduced in various maps of the city printed during the first half of the 20th century and still has its supporters, it is now rejected by several leading archeologists, who argue from the almost complete lack of pottery earlier than the Hellenistic age on the western hill of Jerusalem that the city of the pre-exilic and early postexilic periods did not extend over nearly so vast an area. The city gate that J. W. Crowfoot discovered in 1927 in the Tyropoeon Valley and showed to have been in use from the Bronze Age to the Greco-Roman period seems to clinch the argument that in the Persian period (the time of Nehemiah) Jerusalem was still limited to the eastern hill, even though at the time of its destruction by the Babylonians it may well have extended further to the north and west of the Temple area than it did at the time of David and Solomon.
On the map of the city as drawn by M. Avi-Yonah, who is representative of the more recent opinion, the gates and towers are distributed as follows. In the north wall, from east to west: the Sheep Gate, which is the same as the Benjamin Gate (Jer 20.2; 37.13; 38.7; Zec 14.10); the Tower of the Hundred, protecting the eastern side of the Fish Gate; the Fish Gate, which is the same as the Ephraim Gate, located on the eastern slope of the northwestern hill; the Tower of Hananeel, protecting the western side of the Fish Gate and forming the northwestern corner of the city. In the west wall: the Mishneh Gate, which gave access to the northwestern part of the city known as the Mishneh or Second Ward; the Broad Wall (Neh 3.8; 12.38), which first turned east down the slope of the northwestern hill, then south in the Tyropoeon Valley; the Valley Gate, which gave access from the Tyropoeon Valley into the City of David. At the southern point of the city, where the western wall turned eastward to meet the eastern wall, the Fountain Gate (Neh 2.14;3.15; 12.37), in which were "the stairs [stone steps] of the City of David" (Neh 12.37). Outside the southwest end of this wall there was another wall, the Outer Wall that King Hezekiah had built to protect the two pools that were supplied with water from his newly dug tunnel (2 Chr 32.2–5). This wall, or at least its eastern section, is called "the Wall of the Pool of Siloam at the King's Garden" in Nehemiah 3.15. At the southwestern corner of this Outer Wall was the Dung Gate, known also as "the Gate between the Two Walls" (2 Kgs 25.4; Jer 39.4). The eastern wall of the city would be the same as that described above. This hypothetical reconstruction of the wall of Jerusalem as it was at the time of Nehemiah has the advantage of being in agreement with the findings of archeology. All of its details, however, are not certain, particularly in regard to the distance between the various gates of the city.
The Third Wall. According to Josephus, the Third Wall of Jerusalem was begun by King Herod Agrippa I (d. a.d. 44), who laid immense stones for its foundation, but was obliged by the Emperor Claudius to desist from finishing it. It was hurriedly completed at the outbreak of the Jewish revolt in a.d. 66. Agrippa had planned this wall as a defense for the suburbs north of the city, which till then had been defenseless. Josephus says that this Third Wall began in the west at the Hippicus Tower of Herod the Great and first ran north for the distance of about 400 yards to a large tower called Psephinus; from here it turned to the east, passing south of the Tomb of Queen Helena of Adiabene (now commonly known as the Tomb of the Kings); on reaching a point north of the eastern wall of the city, it turned south to join this wall.
Formerly this Third Wall was regarded as on the same line as the present north wall of the Old City. Although the present walls of the Old City of Jerusalem date, in their actual condition, only from the reign of the Turkish Sultan Suleiman I the Magnificent (1520–66), at several places along its north wall there are stones near or under the ground that apparently come from the 1st century. Therefore, many scholars, especially Vincent, regarded this as marking the line of what Josephus calls the Third Wall.
But in 1925–27 and again in 1940 remnants of a city wall were found considerably to the north of the present wall. A large stone of this wall can be seen a little to the south of the American Consulate in Jordan, and other sections were discovered to the east of this, on the property of the American School of Oriental Research. Although Vincent protested to the end that this was hurriedly built by the Jews in the revolt of Bar Kokhba [see his article, "Jerusalem," Dictionnaire de la Bible, 4 (1949) 923–926], most archeologists now hold that this wall fits so well with the description that Josephus gives of the wall that Agrippa began that it cannot be other than the so-called Third Wall. In any case, the identification of this wall does not concern the question of the authenticity of the traditional site of Calvary—which was "outside the gate" (Heb 13.12). The Church of the Holy Sepulcher is a little to the north of the line of the Second Wall, and the Third Wall was not yet built at the time of the death of Jesus. The line of the present north wall of the city most likely does not antedate the 2nd century, the ancient 1st-century stones in its base having been probably reused from the destroyed walls of Herod's city when the Emperor Hadrian had the city rebuilt as Aelia Capitolina.
Christian Jerusalem
The history of Jerusalem in the Christian Era will be treated here in connection with that of the Greek (Orthodox) patriarchate. After that, something will be said of the other Christian patriarchates of the city.
Greek Patriarchate. The present Greek Orthodox patriarch of Jerusalem is, ecclesiastically speaking, the lineal descendant of the Apostle, St. James the Less, the first Bishop of Jerusalem. Historically, the history of this patriarchate, like that of the city itself in the Christian Era, falls into four main periods: (1) the Roman-Byzantine period, from the 1st century to the Muslim conquest of the city in a.d. 638; (2) the Arab period, from the Muslim conquest to the capture of the city by the Crusaders in 1099; (3) the period of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem till the loss of the city in 1187; (4) the Turkish and modern period from the end of the 12th century to the present.
From the 1st Century to the Muslim Conquest. In Acts, the Apostle St. james the less acts as head of the first Christian community in Jerusalem, and so he has been traditionally reckoned as its first bishop. According to Eusebius (Ecclesiastical History 2.23), when James died a martyr in a.d. 63, he was succeeded by St. simon the apostle, who survived the Roman destruction of the city in a.d. 70 and died a martyr in 107 (ibid. 3.32). Eusebius gives a surprisingly long list of 13 successive bishops of Jerusalem between the death of St. Simon in 107 and the second Roman destruction of the city at the end of the Bar Kokhba revolt in 135. All of these were Judaeo-Christians. But from Mark of Caesarea (135–136) on, all the bishops of the rebuilt city (Aelia Capitolina) were of non-Jewish origin.
When the hierarchical structure of the whole Church was more highly developed in the 2nd century, Jerusalem, then mostly a pagan city, did not receive the position that might have been expected for it as the mother cell of Christianity. It was merely a suffragan see of the metropolitan see of Caesarea Maritima, itself under the patriarch of Antioch in Syria. Yet, after peace was restored to the Church by Constantine the Great in 312, Jerusalem soon acquired great importance because of the Basilica of the Holy Sepulcher and the other famous churches that this emperor and his wife, St. helena, built in or near the city; this led to a large influx of pilgrims and to the erection of many monasteries in or near Jerusalem. At the Council of Nicaea (325) Bishop Marcarius obtained for his see (still called Aelia) an honorary precedence immediately after the patriarchates of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, though still subject jurisdictionally to the metropolitan see of Caesarea Maritima—an anomalous situation that later led to much friction, particularly at the time of the celebrated bishop, St. Cyril of Jerusalem (352–386), in his disputes with the Arians.
Bishop Juvenal of Jerusalem (422–458), a clever, unscrupulous politician, succeeded in getting at the Council of Chalcedon (451) what he had failed to obtain at the Council of Ephesus (431)—the elevation of his see to a genuine patriarchate, independent of Antioch, with a territory south from Lebanon to Arabia embracing three metropolitan and 56 suffragan sees. The Empress Eudocia, wife of Theodosius II (408–450), and the Emperor Justinian I (527–565) contributed to the development of the city by building churches, monasteries, and public edifices, the magnificence of which can be seen in the mosaic map of Medaba. Throughout the Monophysite conflict the patriarchate of Jerusalem remained orthodox, thanks especially to the efforts of the monk St. Sabas (d. 532). But there were sufficient Monophysites in Palestine for the Monophysite (Jacobite) patriarch of Antioch to appoint Severus Bishop of Jerusalem in 597, and from him is derived the line of Jacobite bishops of Jerusalem down to the present.
In 614 Christian Jerusalem suffered a dreadful disaster: the city was taken by the Persians, who destroyed most of its churches and monasteries, including the Basilica of the Holy Sepulcher, massacred thousands of its inhabitants, deported the Patriarch Zacharias to Persia, and took as booty the great relic of the holy cross. Yet, even before the Emperor Heraclius in 629 brought back the relic of the holy cross in triumph, the monk Modestus had begun a reconstruction of the Basilica of the Holy Sepulcher, though on a somewhat smaller scale than the Constantine Basilica. Some further reconstruction of the devastated churches continued until 636, when the Byzantine period of Jerusalem came to an end with the capture of the city by the Arabs under Caliph Umar.
From Muslim Conquest to Crusades (638–1099). After the city was besieged for four months, the Patriarch St. Sophronius (634–644) wisely capitulated to the Muslims on fair and honorable terms. For the next three centuries Christians and Muslims lived together in fairly friendly fashion in Jerusalem. With the aid of Byzantine architects and artists, Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik (684–705) built on the site of Solomon's Temple the lovely Dome of the Rock (Qubbet es-Saḫra), popularly known as the Mosque of Umar. From the death of Sophronius to the appointment of John IV (705–735) the patriarchal See of Jerusalem was vacant, being administered by vicars responsible to Constantinople or Rome. In 800 the Patriarch George (796–807) sent a delegation to Charlemagne to obtain his aid for the Holy Places, and in the same year Hārūn al-Rashīd sent Charlemagne the keys of the Basilica of the Holy Sepulcher as a sign of entrusting to him the protection of this sanctuary. But in 1010 the Fatimid Caliph al-Ḥākim leveled to the ground, not only the basilica, but the Holy Sepulcher itself. After negotiations between the Byzantine emperors and later caliphs, the rebuilding of the edifice on the lines of Modestus's structure was completed in 1048. With the restorations made by the Crusaders, this is still essentially the present basilica. In 1072 the Muslim seljuks took Jerusalem and closed its gates to Christian pilgrims. The resulting wave of indignation that swept Europe was the main cause of the Crusades.
Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (1099–1187). After the capture of Jerusalem by the Crusaders on July 15, 1099, the first Christian ruler of Jerusalem, godfrey of bouil lon, was satisfied with the title of Defensor Hierosolymitanae Ecclesiae. But after his death on July 18, 1100, his brother Baldwin I, who succeeded him, took the title of King of Jerusalem (1100–18). The Crusaders won more and more land in the Near East, and the kingdom continued to grow in territory under Baldwin II (1118–31) and Fulk (1131–43), until it reached its maximum extension for a time under Baldwin III (1143–62). Its internal unity, however, was unstable, and its borders insecure on both the north and the south. The kingdom was set up on a feudal basis, and its powerful feudal lords greatly limited the power of the king. Although it had a standing army, the need for a continuous influx of new men and supplies greatly handicapped the government.
In less than a century the Holy City again fell into the hands of the Muslims. Weakened by internal quarrels and lacking the men and means to withstand the almost continuous border raids of the Arabs, the Kingdom of Jerusalem suffered a disastrous defeat in the Battle of the Horns of Hattin, near Tiberias in Galilee, on July 4–5, 1187, at the hands of Muslims under the leadership of saladin, head of the Seljukian Turks. Guy of Lusignac, King of Jerusalem, was taken prisoner and later purchased his liberty by surrendering Ascalon. On Oct. 2, 1187, Jerusalem capitulated to the Seljuks. A few Christian strongholds in the Near East held out for another century, until the last of them, Saint-Jean d'Acre (Accho), the capital of the 13th-century nominal Kings of Jerusalem, fell before the onslaughts of the Mamelukes on May 29, 1291. The empty title of "King of Jerusalem" continued to be borne by various European princes almost to the end of the 19th century. For the later history of the Christian knights in the Near East, see crusades.
Turkish and Modern Periods. When the Crusaders captured Jerusalem in 1099, its Greek Orthodox patriarch seems to have fled to Cyprus. Since at that time the Greek Church was not in union with the Latin Church, the next Greek patriarchs of Jerusalem lived at Constantinople until the Muslim reconquest of the Holy City. Thereafter, they have lived at or near Jerusalem. At the Second Council of Lyons (1274) the Greek patriarch of Jerusalem was opposed to union with Rome. At the Council of Florence the representative of the Jerusalem patriarchate signed the decree of union, but in 1443 the patriarch himself rejected it. In 1672 the learned Patriarch Dositheus (1669–1707) convoked the Synod of Jerusalem. At this synod, which was, in a general way, the Eastern equivalent of the Council of Trent, the bishops of the Greek Orthodox Church ably defended it against the inroads that Protestantism had been making even in the East.
The political history of Jerusalem after the Crusades follows the general course of the history of surrounding Muslim states. After the hegemony in the Near East passed from the Seljukian Turks to the Mamelukes of Egypt and from them to the ottoman turks of Asia Minor; Palestine was incorporated into the Ottoman Empire in 1516 by the Sultan Selim I (1512–20). Muḥhammad II (1415–81), the conqueror of Constantinople, had already declared the Greek patriarch of Constantinople religious and civil head of all Christians in the Ottoman Empire. Although in theory the patriarchate of Jerusalem was not under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the patriarchate of Constantinople, in practice during the period of Turkish domination the patriarchs of Jerusalem were subservient to the patriarchs of Constantinople, and all of them during this time were Greeks and favored the Greek clergy against the native, Arabic-speaking Orthodox Christians. The 16th century saw the establishment of the Fraternity of the Holy Sepulcher, an organization of the Greek Orthodox clergy that had a monopoly of the high ecclesiastical offices and all the revenues of the sacred places in charge of the Greek patriarchate. This led to discontent and, in 1852, to open revolt of the native Orthodox Christians against the Fraternity of the Holy Sepulcher. The new regulations that were drawn up in 1875 for the election of the patriarch of Jerusalem still favored the Greeks. After the revolt of the Young Turks in 1908, the native Orthodox of Palestine renewed their demands for the abolition of the privileges of the Greeks. When the Patriarch Damian signified his willingness to make some concessions to the Arabic Christians, he was deposed by the Synod and only after some time restored to his office. The Mixed Council that was created never functioned and was abolished at the outbreak of World War I.
In the British campaign against Turkey in World War I, the British General Allenby, advancing from Egypt, entered Jerusalem on Dec. 11, 1917, and the centuries-old Turkish rule over the city came to an end. At the Treaty of Versailles, Palestine was made a British Mandate, and a High Commission was appointed to govern the country. A commission set up by the mandatory power acknowledged the just claims of the Arabic Christians, and in 1938 a new ecclesiastical constitution supplanting the one of 1875 was published. After the end of the British Mandate, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, which retained control of the "Old City" of Jerusalem (within the walls), took up the question and in 1957 published a statute that was very favorable to the Arabic Christians. In 1958 a somewhat less radical statute was enacted, by which the Orthodox Church of Jerusalem is still governed. It ordains that the patriarch and his suffragan bishops must be citizens of Jordan and must know how to speak and write Arabic. A Council of Arabic Orthodox Christians is in charge of the finances, the schools, and the charitable works of the patriarchate.
But British Mandate did not bring peace to the region. Local Arabs were apprehensive at growing Jewish immigration and feared their aspirations. There had been a marked increase in terrorism and civil war when the Mandate ended on May 14, 1948, and all British troops departed. An inconclusive battle for Jerusalem immediately ensued, and the city remained partitioned between 1948 and 1967. Israel controlled the western suburbs, and Jordan held the Old City and the northern suburbs. After the Six Day War in 1967 Israel took control of the city and claimed that its sovereignty over the whole capital was non-negotiable. This claim was unacceptable to the local Arab population, and as of 2001 no accommodation had been reached. In his Christmas message of 1999, Patriarch Michael Sabbah stated: "The basis for any solution is sharing and equality for its citizens with their rights and duties so that no one is superior to anyone else, and no one subject to another or in need of protection from others. All are equal, and all are equally protected by the laws. Claiming exclusive rights or pretending to offer protectionism for others is a fundamental obstacle to peace."
Latin Patriarchate. When the Crusaders took Jerusalem in 1099, an ecclesiastical organization modeled on that of the West was set up in Palestine, with Latin-rite archbishops, bishops, and parish priests. Since the Greek patriarch was no longer in the country, a Latin Rite patriarchate of Jerusalem was established. Arnulf, chaplain of the Norman Crusaders, was elected, with doubtful legality, as the first patriarch, but because of his disreputable life, he was soon set aside in favor of Dagobert, Archbishop of Pisa (1100–07), who was followed in turn by seven other patriarchs residing in the city. During the near century of Crusader rule in Palestine the orders of the Knights templars and the knights of st. john were powerful factors in the religious life of the land. Numerous castles and churches were built or restored in the Romanesque style, including the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, which, despite its present mutilated condition, is still basically a Crusader monument.
When Jerusalem was retaken by the Muslims in 1187, the Latin Patriarch Heraclius (1180–91) took refuge with the Latin King of Jerusalem at Accho. His eight successors resided here until Accho fell to the Muslims in 1291. Thereafter the line was continued by merely titular patriarchs who lived in Rome, with St. Laurence-outside-the-Walls as their patriarchal basilica, until Pius IX restored the real Latin patriarchate in Jerusalem in 1847.
With the disappearance of the Latin hierarchy in Palestine in the 13th century, the task of preserving the Catholic faith and guarding the Holy Places fell almost entirely upon the Franciscans, who constituted the Custody of the Holy Land. Thanks to their heroism in the face of untold hardships, the rights of the Latin Church at the principal shrines of the Holy Land have been saved through the centuries. However, in the 19th century, with the Turks becoming somewhat more tolerant and more and more European Catholics visiting the Holy Land and even residing there, Rome decided that it was time to reestablish a Latin hierarchy in Palestine. The new line of Latin patriarchs of Jerusalem were all Italians with the exception of Michael Sabbah, who is an Arab: G. Valerga (1847–72), V. Bracco (1872–89), L. Piavi (1889–1905),P. Camassei (1906–19), L. Barlassina (1920–47), A. Gori (1947-70), G. Beltritti (1970-88), M. Sabbah (1988–).
In 2001 there were 165,00 Christians out of a population of 8.7 million in the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, which comprises Israel proper and territories. There continued to be a dramatic drop in the Christian population, which began in the 1900s, when Christians represented 13 percent of the total population. By 1948 only seven percent of the population was Christian, and by 2001, only two percent. In Jerusalem itself by 2001 the total population of Christians was under 10,000 out of a total of 600,000. There were 3,500 Roman Catholics, and Melkites, 3,000 Greek Orthodox, 1,000 Armenian Orthodox, 1,000 Protestants, and 200 Coptic Orthodox. In Bethlehem the total population of Christians was 10,000 out of population of 72,000. Only 4,000 were Roman Catholics.
Between 1948 and 2001, 234,000 Christians left the Holy Land. The growth rate of Christians resident there is expected to decline to zero by 2020. In 1995 the Franciscan Custody, which has been ministering to the Christian population of the Holy Land since 1218, established the Holy Land Foundation to ameliorate the situation. Headquartered in both Washington, D.C. and Jerusalem, it provides incentives for young Christians to remain in their homeland. These include scholarships, employment opportunities, and housing.
Bibliography: On Biblical Jerusalem. General. j. simons, Jerusalem in the O.T. (Leiden 1952). l. h. vincent and a. m. stÈve, Jérusalem de l'Ancien Testament, 3 v. in 2 (Paris 1954–56). h. geva, ed., Ancient Jerusalem: Excavations, 1993-1999 (Jerusalem 2000), On the topography and history. j. germer-durand, Topographie de l'ancien Jerusalem des origines à Titus (Paris 1912). g. dalman, Jerusalem und seine Gelände (Gütersloh 1930). j. jeremias, Jerusalem zur Zeit Jesu (Göttingen 1958). k. galling, Biblisches Reallexicon (Tübingen 1937) 297–305. Excavations. c.w. wilson and c. warren, The Recovery of Jerusalem (London 1871). c. warren, Underground Jerusalem (London 1876). f. j. bliss and a. c. dickie, Excavations at Jerusalem 1894–97 (London 1898). l. h. vincent, Underground Jerusalem: Discovery on the Hill of Ophel, 1909–11 (London 1911); Jérusalem: Recherches de topographie, d'archéologie et d'histoire, 2 v. in 4 (Paris 1912–26) v.1. Antique. r. weill, La Cité de David … Campagne, 1913–14 (Paris 1920). r. s. macalister and j. g. duncan, Excavations on the Hill of Ophel, Jerusalem, 1923–25 (Palestine Exploration Fund Annual 4; 1926). j. w. crowfoot and g. m. fitzgerald, Excavations in the Tyropoeon Valley, 1927 (ibid. 5; 1929). c. n. johns, "Recent Excavations at the Citadel," Palestine Exploration Quarterly (1940) 36–58; "The Citadel of Jerusalem," Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine 14 (1950) 121–190. r. w. hamilton, "Excavations against the North Wall of Jerusalem," ibid. 10 (1940) 1–53. k. m. kenyon, "Excavations in Jerusalem," Palestine Exploration Quarterly 95 (1963) 7–21. The walls. l. h. vincent, "Jerusalem," Dictionnaire de la Bible, ed. l. pirot, et al. (Paris 1928–) (1949) 4:897–966; Revue biblique 36 (1927) 516–548; 37 (1928) 80–100, 321–339; 54 (1947) 90–126. m. burrows, Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research 14 (1933–34) 115–140; The Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 64 (1937) 11–64. m. avi-yonah, Israel Exploration Journal 4 (1954) 239–248. w. f. albright, The Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 81 (1941) 6–10. c. s. fischer, ibid. 83 (1941) 4–7. s. saller, The Excavations at Dominus Flevit, v.2: The Jebusite Burial Place (Jerusalem 1954). In the Christian Era. m. le quien, Oriens Christianus, 3 v. (Paris 1740; repr. Graz 1958) 3:101–528. t. e. dowling, The Orthodox Greek Patriarchate of Jerusalem (3d ed. rev. and enl. New York 1913). k. pieper, Die Kirche Palästinas bis zum Jahre 135 … (Cologne 1938). h. musset, Histoire du christianisme spécialement en Orient, 2 v. (Harissa, Lebanon 1948). g. bateh, Les Chrétiens de Palestine sous la domination ottomane (Jerusalem 1963). p. mediebelle, La Diocesi del Patriarcato latino di Gerusalemme (Jerusalem 1963). b. bagatti, L'Église de la circoncision (Jerusalem 1965). f. e. peters, Jerusalem: The Holy City in the Eyes of Chroniclers, Visitors, Pilgrims, and Prophets from the Days of Abraham to the Beginnings of Modern Times (Princeton 1985). j.j. moscrop, Measuring Jerusalem: The Palestine Exploration Fund and British Interests in the Holy Land (London and New York 2000). a. j. boas, Jerusalem in the Time of the Crusades (Great Britain 2001). m. sicker, Between Rome and Jerusalem: 300 Years of Roman Judaean Relations (Westport, Conn. 2001). b. wasserstein, Divided Jerusalem: The Struggle for the Holy City (New Haven, Conn.: 2001). m. biddle, The Church of the Holy Sepulchre (New York 2002). m. dumper, The Politics of Sacred Space: The Old City of Jerusalem in the Middle East Conflict (Boulder, Colo. 2002).
[d. baldi/
p. vasko/
b. sabella]