CALVINISM

Calvinism is the theological system elaborated by the French reformer, John calvin, chiefly in the Institutes of the Christian Religion (1536–59). (see institutes of calvin.) This synthesis, which justifies his title as the "theological genius of the Reformation," was the first systematic presentation of Protestantism as well as the doctrinal background for most non-Lutheran churches of the Reformed tradition. This article treats Calvinism under the headings: (1) Calvinism as a system, (2) doctrinal structure, (3) historical development, (4) geographical expansion.

Calvinism as a Theological System

Although Calvinism is a systematic synthesis, it is not a system properly so-called with a central idea, an articulated development, and a rigid harmony such as that of Aristotelianism, Thomism, or Kantianism. Instead Calvinism provides a reasoned and elaborated articulation of evangelical and Protestant principles that relies upon the scriptures as its primary, although not its solitary, defense. Calvin made use of the early Reformation teachings of justification by faith (sola fides) awarded by God's grace (sola gratia), the primacy of the scriptures, and the priesthood of all true believers. He forged these teachings into a new synthesis, a synthesis whose character and practice would develop very differently from the teachings of Lutheranism or Anglicanism, the other dominant magisterial reformations of the sixteenth century.

A Qualified System. Calvin was 27 when he published the first edition of his Christianae Religionis Institutio. His intention, as he declared in the "Epistle to the King" (Francis I, 1515–47), which prefaced the work, was to write an exposition, as simple as possible, of Christian doctrine by which "those who are touched with any zeal for religion might be shaped to true godliness" (Library of Christian Classics, 20:9). Throughout the rest of his life, up to the time of the definitive Latin edition (1559) and its French translation (1560), Calvin amplified his treatise, revised and polished it, until it became a complete presentation and an authoritative statement of Calvinism. Unlike many theologians, Calvin's ideas remained consistent over time. The final editions of the Institutes did not differ in flavor or teaching from the first 1536 edition. These later editions were distinguished by the degree of elaboration and reasoned argumentation that Calvin employed to defend his central tenets. The training in logic Calvin had received at the Collége de Montaigu and his legal education from the jurists of Orléans and Bourges are evident in the construction of his theological thought.

Central Idea. In the past the tendency has been to regard predestination as the focal point of Calvin's theology. Then the sovereignty of God, and more recently, the divinity of Christ, was proposed as the constitutive principle of Calvinism. What appears the better view today, however, is that Calvinism is not a closed system that revolves around one central idea. Rather than build his system around one pivotal abstract notion, Calvin seems to have preferred to draw together a number of Biblical ideas.

Sources. The first and indisputable source of Calvin's theological system was the Bible. Calvin read and knew the Bible thoroughly, producing commentaries on almost every book. Perhaps no other reformer had such a remarkable knowledge of the Old Testament. Calvin's use of the scriptures is idiosyncratic and bears comparison with his forebear, Martin Luther. Luther stresses that the Bible should be read with an eye toward its illumination of the principles of justification by faith, the sine qua non he identifies in the book's teaching. Calvin, on the other hand, argues that all parts of the scripture are of equal applicability to Christians, from the Old Testament books of law and devotion to the Pauline Epistles. The Bible thus becomes for Calvin a book of texts that need to be read in their totality. He uses the diverse corpus of scriptures to identify a plan for the reform of individuals and society and to confirm his dogmatic positions. The Fathers of the Church form an important background for Calvin's system. He probably made contact with them for the first time at the Collège de Montaigu, and all his life he deepened his knowledge of their Greek and Latin writings (see the exhaustive index of references made in the Library of Christian Classics, 21:1592–1634). Though St. John Chrysostom seemed to have been his favorite at one time, St. Augustine's influence was predominant and unique. Calvin read St. Augustine constantly, quoted him frequently, and felt that he was in substantial agreement with him.

Calvin knew and drew upon scholastic authors as well. He was acquainted with the works of St. Anselm, Peter Lombard, and St. Thomas Aquinas. But it is to Duns Scotus and William of Ockham that he appears to have been particularly attracted. A number of authors have traced the Calvinist concept of God to Duns Scotus, and while this view has been questioned by E. Doumergue, A. Lecerf, and others, still the resemblance between Calvin's doctrine on God (e.g., Institutes 3.23.2) and Scotus's teaching is too strong to be ignored. The nominalist influence on Calvin's giving primacy to the will of God manifests itself also in his making the efficacy of the Passion of Christ (Institutes 2.17.1), the transmission of the sin of Adam (Institutes 2.1.8), and the nature of the Mediator as God and man (Inst. 2.12.1), all depend upon the decree of God.

Calvin was in full agreement with Luther concerning the fundamental doctrines that surrounded human salvation. After 1536, however, Calvin parted with Luther over the question of the Lord's Supper, and gradually, as Calvin developed his system, differences appeared also on matters of the canon of Scripture, predestination, the church, Christ, and the sacraments. Such differences, while making Calvinism distinct from Lutheranism, are less important than the fundamental agreement on the doctrine of justification by faith.

Philipp Melanchthon, especially through his Loci Communes (1531), must be looked upon as one of the sources of Calvin's thought. Calvin wrote the preface to the French translation (Geneva 1546). He, moreover, signed the Confession of Augsburg (1530) and considered that he was in full agreement with it, although he differed with Melanchthon on free will and predestination, as he declared in the preface to Melanchthon's book.

Martin Bucer and Calvin were personal friends and the accord is evident in their works. The influence of Bucer on Calvin is seen particularly in his doctrine of predestination. Calvin adopted Bucer's point of view on the definitive character of predestination and on the part played in it by vocation, justification, and glorification. At the same time, he affirmed the distinction between predestination and foreknowledge whereas Bucer fused them together (Institutes 3.21.5).

Doctrinal Structure

An initial general summary of Calvin's doctrines will give perspective to the more detailed study of the Reformer's principal tenets: true wisdom consists in a knowledge of God and of ourselves. Only in the light of the knowledge of God can true self-knowledge be found. God makes Himself known in a twofold revelation; as Creator through the visible universe and as Redeemer, i.e., as the saving knowledge of God, through Scripture alone. Scripture points to Christ, the sole Mediator, by whom salvation is achieved. Salvation is ours through the secret operation of the Holy Spirit and faith. Faith is necessary since by Adam's fall all men are under the blight of sin and divine judgment. Salvation is due to God's mercy, which is extended to those whom in His inscrutable will He has eternally chosen to receive it; others are justly excluded from the operation of His saving grace and suffer the consequences of their sin. Justification is by faith alone, but because of our ignorance and sloth we stand in need of such external helps as the preaching of the Gospel in His church and the administration of the sacraments of baptism and the Lord's supper. The church is both invisible and visible: the invisible church consists of all those who, by confession, example, and participation in the sacraments, profess God and Christ; the visible church has as its marks: the preaching and the hearing of the Gospel and the administration of the sacraments.

The Sovereignty of God. The Institutes begins with the statement: "Nearly all the wisdom we possess, that is to say, true and sound wisdom, consists of two parts: the knowledge of God and of ourselves" (Institutes 1.1.1.). To set forth all relations between God and man is the task of Calvin's entire theological structure. As Luther before him, the Genevan reformer declared that "our very being is nothing but subsistence in the one God" (ibid. ). Whether Calvin intended to counteract Lutheran preoccupation with man or whether through his own firm conviction, he went beyond Luther's idea of gratuitous salvation to that of the complete sovereignty of God. God is all in the order of ends as well as of means; everything tends toward His glory. This doctrine colors his viewpoint concerning rational inquiry into the nature of God. For Calvin it is futile and even presumptuous to ask "Quis est Deus?" because "His essence is incomprehensible; hence his divineness far escapes all human perception" (Institutes 1.5.1.).

Thus Calvin conceives of God in terms of His supreme will that is absolute law, "… the truly just cause of all things" (Institutes 1.17.1). From it comes every decree by which all is ordered: God has "decreed what he was going to do, and now, by his might, carries out what he has decreed" (Institutes 1.16.8). Nor may this decree be questioned. Calvin declares: "God's will is so much the highest rule of righteousness that whatever he wills, by the very fact that he wills it, must be considered righteous. When, therefore, one asks why has God so done, we must reply: because he has willed it" (Institutes 3.23.2). Calvin's view of God is also connected with his view of the Bible. No one, according to Calvin, can attain to the knowledge of God unless he is taught by the Holy Scriptures (Institutes 1.6.2), which must be read with faith and under the enlightenment of the Holy Spirit, viz, "Therefore Scripture will ultimately suffice for a saving knowledge of God only when it certainly is founded upon the inward persuasion of the Holy Spirit" (Institutes 1.8.13).

The Depravity of Man. When man looks at God through the Scriptures he arrives at a knowledge of the complete sovereignty of God. When he looks at himself through the Scriptures, he sees his own total depravity. The Bible gives us this view of man's condition in the story of the Fall, where the image of God in man was not utterly destroyed, "… yet it was so corrupted that whatever remains is frightful deformity" (Institutes 1.15.4). By total depravity Calvin means the complete inability of man to institute or maintain a right relation with God by his human activity alone. Calvin's emphasis is on the order of salvation and on man's total dependence on God for justification. When Calvin turns momentarily in the Institutes (2.2.13) to those interests of man that belong to the present life, such as political doctrine, the mechanical arts, philosophy, and the liberal arts, he readily grants that man can do many wonderful things.

Man's will, however, is bound by the slavery of sin. If the question is raised, "Is man bound to commit sin?" Calvin answers that if man commits sin, he does so voluntarily; he has a strong propensity to sin, but he is not coerced (Institutes 2.3.5). Calvin also distinguishes what seems to be a denial of free will. Man's will is not destroyed, according to Calvin, but he cannot of himself will faith: "… free will is not sufficient to enable man to do good works, unless he be helped by grace" (Institutes 2.2.6.). The reformer's point is that God brings justification by His activity and not man by his. Through justification the sinner is accepted even though he is a sinner, since man is inevitably a sinner.

Faith in Christ. Man in his sinful state needs a saving contact with God. This he obtains in Christ, the sole Mediator, but he does not initiate this movement toward union with Christ. "Faith is the principal work of the Holy Spirit" (Institutes 3.1.4). It is "a firm and certain knowledge of God's benevolence toward us, founded upon the truth of the freely given promise in Christ, both revealed to our minds and sealed upon our hearts through the Holy Spirit" (Institutes 3.2.7). Even faith, however, of itself has no power nor worth. "We say that faith justifies," explains Calvin, "not because it merits righteousness for us by its own worth, but because it is an instrument whereby we obtain free the righteousness of Christ" (Institutes 3.18.8). Here again Calvin insists on the complete power of God and the corresponding impotency of man to do anything of himself to gain salvation. The faith that is received by man from the Holy Spirit unites him to Christ and that union is a precondition whereby "… we principally receive a double grace: namely, that being reconciled to God through Christ's blamelessness, we may have in heaven instead of a Judge a gracious Father; and secondly, that sanctified by Christ's spirit we may cultivate blamelessness and purity of life" (Institutes 3.11.1). The first of these gifts Calvin calls justification or righteousness and the second, regeneration or sanctification.

By regeneration Christ becomes man's living Lord; he is grafted into the body of Christ. The consequence of this union is that man lives by the spirit of Christ. No longer is life to be lived apart from God; the Christian life "… consists in the mortification of our flesh and of the old man, and in the vivification of the Spirit" (Institutes 3.3.5). The doctrine of justification, for Calvin, is the "main hinge on which religion turns" (Institutes 3.11.1). He views it under the figure of a court trial. The accused is freed or "justified" if he has a witness to affirm his righteousness. "We are sinners and therefore deserve to be condemned, but because of our communion with Christ through faith, we receive His righteousness with him" (Institutes 3.11.10). We are not made righteous, but simply are clothed with Christ's righteousness. God, seeing us in Christ, or rather, seeing Christ's righteousness, makes a judgment of "justification." This judicial act has two parts: the forgiveness of sins and the imputation of Christ's righteousness (Institutes 3.11.2). These parts are not successive, but are rather like two sides of the one action. Justification, however, is not a single act. If it were, the good works of the once-justified sinner would condemn him again since all man's works are contaminated by sin. God, therefore, not only justifies the sinner but also justifies the justified in his works so that they are not imputed to him as sins. This is Calvin's doctrine of double justification (Institutes 3.17.5).

Predestination. Calvin's doctrine of double predestination to election or reprobation is the result of both his logic and his doctrinal principles. Given his conviction on the absolute sovereignty of God and on man's complete inability to contribute to his salvation, the doctrine of predestination is a necessary foundation stone in his system. But practical reasons also entered into its formulation. Only by placing salvation in the divine will could the believer be freed from placing trust in merits and works for salvation. Moreover, such a doctrine was needed for Calvin's ecclesiology. "We call predestination," Calvin explains, "God's eternal decree, by which he determined with himself what he willed to become of each man. For all are not created in equal condition; rather, eternal life is foreordained for some, eternal damnation for others" (Institutes 3.21.5). This decree of God is so absolute that it is independent of God's foreknowledge, and a fortiori cannot be thwarted by anyone. Grace is irresistible. Just as sinful man necessarily wills evil, so the elect or the justified man necessarily conforms to God's desires. Commenting on St. Augustine's treatise, De correptione et gratia ad Valentinum (Patrologia Latina, 44: 935, 939, 943), Calvin declares: "… it is … grace which forms both choice and will in the heart, so that whatever good works then follow are the fruit and effect of grace; and it has no other will obeying it except the will that it has made" (Institutes 2.3.13). Calvin felt obliged to affirm the doctrine of reprobation. It appalled him, but with invincible candor as well as logic he maintained that the decree of reprobation is incomprehensible but absolutely just. The reprobate is condemned justly (Institutes 3.21.7). The ultimate reason of the decretum horribile is to manifest the glory of God in the very mystery in which it is veiled.

The Church and the Sacraments. Because of man's ignorance and sloth, he stands in need of external helps to sustain and confirm his gift of faith. Therefore, declares Calvin, God, in accommodation of this infirmity, has established the church and the two sacraments of baptism and the eucharist. The church, which Calvin calls "mother" from St. Cyprian (De catholicae ecclesiae unitate 6; Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum 3.1.214), is a divinely constituted institution and therefore is necessary. There is no salvation outside it: "… away from her bosom one cannot hope for any forgiveness of sins or any salvation" (Institutes 4.1.4.). The church is both visible and invisible. Under its visible aspect it is the Christian community; the invisible church includes all the elect of God and coincides with both the communion of the saints and with the body of Christ. The visible church, because it includes reprobates in its midst, is to that extent not the body of Christ. But it does not follow that two churches exist. Rather, it is one church under two aspects: invisible insofar as it is an object of faith, or as God sees it; visible as it is an object of experience and as it appears to men (Institutes 4.1.7). To judge the presence of the true church, Calvin, as Luther before him in the Augsburg Confession (art. 7), sets forth two objective criteria: "Whenever we see the Word of God purely preached and heard, and the sacraments administered according to Christ's institution, there, it is not to be doubted, a church of God exists" (Institutes 4.1.9).

Calvin defines a sacrament as "an outward sign by which the Lord seals on our consciences the promises of his good will toward us in order to sustain the weakness of our faith; a testimony of divine grace toward us, confirmed by an outward sign, with mutual attestation of our piety toward him" (Institutes 4.14.1). In Calvin's doctrine, the sacraments do not contain or confer grace but mirror the reality that they symbolize. The reality, promised by Christ and made effective by Him, is given at the same time that the material symbols of the sacraments are received. Thus Calvin says in regard to the eucharist: "Now, if it be asked nevertheless whether the bread is the body of Christ, and the wine his blood, we should reply that the bread and wine are visible signs, which represent to us the body and the blood; but that the name and title of body and blood is attributed to them, because they are as instruments by which our Lord Jesus Christ distributes them to us." Calvin continues: "It is a spiritual mystery, which cannot be seen by the eye, nor comprehended by the human understanding. It is therefore symbolized by visible signs, as our infirmity requires, but in such a way that it is not a bare figure, but joined to its reality and substance" (Short Treatise on the Lord's Supper, 2. Library of Christian Classics, 22:147). Thus the effects of the sacraments are given because of the promise of Christ, are received by faith, are gained by the elect alone, and are sealed by the outward signs. They bring man into communion with Christ, from whom he receives everything that Christ gained by his death and resurrection. What are these benefits? Calvin summarizes: "Baptism attests to us that we have been cleansed and washed; the Eucharistic Supper, that we have been redeemed" (Institutes 4.14.22). In short: "… redemption, righteousness, sanctification, and eternal life" (Institutes 4.17.11).

Historical Development

Calvinism as a doctrinal system inevitably evolved not only into a structure of church order (generally called presbyterianism) but also into a particular way of life, as exemplified in Calvin's reign over the city of Geneva. In this growth, Calvinism underwent structural and doctrinal modifications.

Doctrinal Disputes. The first break in the rigor of Calvinistic doctrine came in Holland. Holland had become solidly Calvinistic after the successful fight against Philip II by William of Orange, who declared himself a Calvinist in 1573. But the very strength of the uniformity Calvinism exacted brought a reaction. The successor to Calvin, Theodore beza, had added to the doctrine of predestination by a position known as supralapsarianism (see supralapsarians), in which the decree of election preceded the fall of man, so that the fallen state was part of the eternal plan of God. Dirck coornhert, a Dutch theologian, challenged Beza's position with a doctrine of conditional predestination, or infralapsarianism, that made the divine decree succeed the fall rather than precede or determine it. To the strongly orthodox Calvinists of Holland both of the positions differing with Beza's were heretical. In 1589 they invited Jacob arminius (Hermandszoon), once a student of Beza, to refute Coornhert and the infralapsarians. Arminius, however, found that as he studied the question, he could not defend the orthodox position and instead developed a doctrine that differed from both supralapsarianism and infralapsarianism.

Arminius was attacked by Franciscus gomarus, a strong supralapsarian, and had to defend himself against the charges of Pelagianism and Socinianism. In 1610 the followers of Arminius presented a remonstrance to the government for protection against the orthodox Calvinists. In the petition the remonstrants set forth five theses concerning their view of predestination. The government authorities summoned a national synod at Dort (Dordrecht) from Nov. 13, 1618, to May 9, 1619, through 154 formal sessions. It was attended not only by Dutch theologians but also by delegates from Switzerland, Germany, Scotland, and England. The synod, which took on the nature of an ecumenical council for the Reformed Church, decided against the Remonstrants. It set forth its resolutions, upholding the orthodox position on predestination, in 93 canons divided into five chapters that corresponded to the five theses of the Arminians. The synod asserted: (1) unconditional election; (2) limited atonement, i.e., Christ died for the elect alone; (3) total depravity of man; (4) irresistibility of grace; and (5) final perseverance of the saints. [Text in P. Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom (1877) 3.550–580]. [see confessions of faith ii, protestant; infralapsarians (sublapsarians)].

Covenant Theology. Other difficulties concerning Calvin's doctrine arose, especially over a visible and invisible church, the irresistibility of grace, and an authoritarian civil government whose theocratic duty was to "cherish and protect the outward worship of God, to defend sound doctrine of piety and the position of the church" (Institutes 4.20.2). Of the new movements that modified Calvin's doctrine in seeking an answer to what seemed like intractable rigidity, the most significant was the Puritans' covenant theology. Puritanism (see pu ritans) first appeared in the middle of the 16th century as a protest against the prescribed vestments and liturgical customs in the Church of England. The movement was essentially Calvinistic in doctrine but its main thrust was a type of piety. Concerned with man's right relation to God as a way of life and at the same time fully accepting the predestination of God as all-determining, the Puritans developed the idea of covenant. They discovered that all of salvation history had been a series of covenants between God and man. Even the government that protected the church had a covenant.

The significance of the covenants was that, while theologically upholding the absolute sovereignty of God, they made God's absolutism tractable to man's ability to conform. Man's duty was to fulfill his contract with God. Since God had made the contract, in the image of the legal and trade agreements of the time, His demands were reasonable and humanly possible of fulfillment. Thus, Calvin's God of predestination and irresistible condemnation became a Puritan God who could be served by righteous living and who would thereby consider those so living among the elect. Puritanism in this way marked the midpoint between orthodox and liberal Protestantism, between voluntarism and rationalism, between the sovereignty of God and the sovereignty of man.

Geographical Expansion

Calvinism triumphed first in Geneva where, under Calvin's leadership from 1541 to 1564, the city became the most thorough example of a community welded into a total Calvinistic society. Geneva was governed in both civil and ecclesiastical affairs by the elect.

Church Government. Basing his view on Scripture (Eph 4.11; Rom 12.7; 1 Cor 12.28) and on the practice of the early church, Calvin declared in his Ecclesiastical Ordinances: "There are four orders of office instituted by our Lord for the government of his Church. First, pastors; then doctors; next elders; and fourth deacons" (Library of Christian Classics 22:58). Thus, the pastors preached and administered the sacraments. To the doctors belonged the duty of teaching, a function that under Calvinistic encouragement blossomed into schools and universities. The elders shared in the enforcement of discipline; and the deacons took care of the sick and the poor. The Consistory, made up of ministers and laymen, was responsible for the corporate religious life of the city and under Calvin it became chiefly a tribunal of morality. Whenever necessary, its decisions were enforced by the Council of Geneva whose responsibility included not only the promotion of civil order but also the welfare of the Reformed Church. Geneva, under Calvin, not only became a model city to which Calvinists looked as an ideal, but also a haven for Protestant refugees through whom Calvin's ideas spread far and wide.

Switzerland. In Switzerland, Heinrich bullinger, the successor to Zwingli, signed a formula of faith (Consensus Tigurinus ) with Calvin in 1549. This paved the way for the general acceptance of Calvinism throughout the cantons. In 1566 the Second Helvetic Confession, drawn up by Bullinger but heavily Calvinistic in doctrine, was published in the name of all the Swiss cantons except Basel and Neuchâtel and had wide popularity. Today about half the population in Switzerland belongs to the Reformed Church.

Germany. In Germany, Calvinism spread mostly in the Rhine region where the fierce repression of the Peasant Revolt (1524–26) cost Luther many adherents. Reformed Protestantism also appealed to the free cities, particularly Strassburg, Memingen, Lindau, and Constance. Calvinism attained great influence in the Palatinate under the Elector, Frederick III (1515–76). During his regime, the University of Heidelberg became a center of Calvinism, and a confession of faith, the Heidelberg Catechism, was compiled in 1562 by two professors, Zacharias ursinus and Caspar Olevianus (1536–87). This Calvinistic document became the creed of the Reformed churches in Germany, and Reformed churches in Poland, Bohemia, Hungary, and Moravia were influenced by it.

France. In France, the Calvinists, who were called huguenots, were opposed from the time of their origin almost constantly, although various edicts such as the Edict of January 1562 and the Edict of nantes in 1598 gave some official toleration. Many Huguenots fled to Holland, Switzerland, America, England, and Prussia. Finally, in 1802, full legal standing was given to the Reformed Church.

Netherlands. In the Netherlands, the Calvinists were not strong until about 1560. They gained the favor of William of Orange (1533–84), who became a Calvinist in 1573. After the declaration of independence (July 26, 1581), the Reformed Church became the established church in the northern region (Holland). In the 19th century, it became independent of the state. About 40 percent of the population now belongs to the Dutch Reformed Church.

Scotland. Scotland is the only country where the majority of the people presently belong to the Reformed Church. Nowhere else has Calvinism triumphed so well, although its history since the time of John knox has been one of struggle. Knox was a personal friend of Calvin and received the Genevan reformer's warm encouragement and support. In 1900 the Free Church of Scotland merged with the United Presbyterian Church to form the United Free Church of Scotland. The resulting church merged with the Established Church to form the Church of Scotland in 1929.

England. In England the Calvinist doctrine brought about a divisive struggle within the Church of England toward the end of the 16th century. One group emerged as Presbyterians with their characteristic type of ascending series of governing bodies called synods and with a confession of faith, the Westminster Confession of 1648. A further group were the Separatist and Non-Separatist Congregationalists who migrated to New England as Puritans. Today there are various free churches in England that have been influenced by Calvinism and also a relatively small Presbyterian Church.

North America. Contingents from many of the European Reformed Churches went to North America during colonial times. A number of these groups fled from persecution. In the New World they influenced the shaping of a new nation and at the same time were influenced in their religious thinking. The strict orthodoxy of old world Calvinism was slowly modified by contacts in a pluralistic society, as well as by the demands of colonial life, trade, the Revolutionary War, a new government, and a new civilization. The modification, particularly in the 18th and 19th centuries, placed more and more emphasis on man and on his power for initiative and independence. Denominations proliferated across the U.S. Today, under the stimulus of the ecumenical movement, the modification has taken a new turn toward church mergers and under the pressure of a mechanized, materialistic age, toward the sovereignty of God once again (see reformed churches ii: north america).

Contributions of Calvinism. In his 1902 classic, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, the German sociologist Max Weber identified Calvinism as a fundamentally important development in the creation of the modern world. Weber argued that Calvinism's emphasis on divine election produced a culture of "innerworldly asceticism" in which Calvinists hoped to demonstrate the fruits of their election through worldly involvement and enterprise. The secularization of these tendencies came to have a profound effect on the genesis of modern capitalism, as countries in which Calvinist influences were strongest became leaders in modern industry, banking, and finance. The debate over this "Weber thesis" dominated much twentieth-century historical writing, with strong defenders and detractors arguing over the relative merits of Weber's identification of a gene of modernity within Calvinism. More recently, scholars have pointed to traditional, even archaic attitudes toward business and finance that survived, not only in Calvin's work, but also among his seventeenth and eighteenth-century followers. The roots of modern industrialism and capitalism are now seen to lie in forces and developments more various than the secularization of Calvin's ideas concerning human salvation. Nevertheless, during the 400 years of its existence, Calvinism as an aim and tendency has contributed significantly to the understanding of the human relationship to God. Modern followers of Calvin may not accept all of the tenets of his teaching but, within the Reformed tradition, some of the elements he expressed in his Institutes and other writings still recur in their discussions of human potentiality and weakness. These include Calvin's insistence on the lowly state of humankind before God's majesty, his insights into the power of divine grace, and his emphasis on biblical teaching as the rule by which Christians should seek to reform society.

Bibliography: j. calvin, Opera quae supersunt omnia, ed. g. baum et al., 59 v. (Corpus reformatorum 29–87); Institutes of the Christian Religion, ed. j. t. mcneill, tr. f. l. battles, 2 v. (Philadelphia 1960); Theological Treatises, tr. j. k. s. reid (Philadelphia 1954); Concerning the Eternal Predestination of God, tr. j. k. s. reid (London 1961). j. t. mcneill, The History and Character of Calvinism (New York 1954). w. krusche, Das Wirken des Heiligen Geistes nach Calvin (Göttingen 1957). e. a. dowey, The Knowledge of God in Calvin's Theology (New York 1952). a. m. hunter, The Teaching of Calvin … (2d ed. London 1950). p. sprenger, Das Rätsel um die Bekehrung Calvins (Neukirchen 1960). f. wendel, Calvin …, tr. p. mairet (New York 1963). j.h. forstman, Word and Spirit … (Stanford 1962). j. mackinnon, Calvin and the Reformation (New York 1962). g. p. hart-velt, Verum corpus: Een studie over een centraal hoofdstuk uit de Avondmaalsleer van Calvijn (Delft 1960). l. smits, Saint Augustin dans l'oeuvre de Jean Calvin (Assen 1957). w. niesel, The Theology of Calvin, tr. h. knight (Philadelphia 1956). v. ruland, "The Theology of New England Puritanism," Heythrop Journal 5 (1964) 162–169. m. neeser, Le Dieu de Calvin d'après l'institution de la religion chrétienne (Neuchâtel 1956). l. bouyer, The Spirit and Forms of Protestantism (Westminster, MD 1956). w. e. stuer-mann, A Critical Study of Calvin's Concept of Faith (Tulsa 1952). a. ganoczy, Calvin, théologien du ministère et de l'Église (Paris 1964). o. weber, Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 7 v. (3d ed. Tübingen 1957–65) 1:1593–99. e. w. zeeden and j. marlet, Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, ed. j. hofer and k. rahner, 10 v. (2d, new ed. Freiburg 1957–65) (1966) 2:891–898. a. baudrillart, Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, ed. a. vacant, 15 v. (Paris 1903–50; Tables générales 1951–) 2.2:1398–1422, earlier bibliog. y. congar, Catholicisme 2:421–424. j. quinn, h. f. davis et al., A Catholic Dictionary of Theology (London 1962–) 1:313–317. w. f. graham, Later Calvinism (Kirksville, MO 1994). e. w. monter, Calvin's Geneva (New York 1967). m. prestwich, ed., International Calvinism (Oxford 1985). r. schnucker, ed., Calviniana (Kirksville, MO 1988). d. steinmetz, Calvin in Context (New York 1995).

[r. matzerath

p. soergel]