VACATIONS

Travel is an integral part of most modern vacations. However, the word travel was originally identical with travail, both deriving from the Middle English travailen and Old French travaillier, which mean to labor or toil. Travailen and travailler (and trabajo in Spanish) in their turn may be traced back to the Latin tripalium, a three-pronged instrument of torture.

Before the modern age, travel was a pain. The enjoyment of leisure had to be reconciled with the trouble of travel before vacations as we know them were possible. However, the difficulties of travel were not significantly relieved until the 1850s in the United States. Few good roads, and fewer accommodations, were available from the colonial period through the first part of the nineteenth century to ease travel. For enjoyment and recreation, most people stayed close to home.

The coming of the railroads to the United States was a key to the success and expansion of American vacations. Early on, railroads, and then travel resorts, actively promoted travel during extended personal holidays, influencing modern leisure distribution patterns favoring the purchase of goods and services, beginning a continuing process of the modern commodification of leisure.

Before the Civil War, a variety of Americans—"invalids, members of the northern elite, southern planters and their families" (Aron, 1999, p. 32)—began to leave their regular places of residence and occupation for extended periods of time, usually during the summer months, traveling to escape the diseases, heat, smells, and humdrum of city life, in search of health, social contacts, amusement, or spiritual refreshment, engaging in behaviors that we recognize today as vacationing.

Unlike Europeans, however, Americans resisted using the word vacation> to describe what they were doing. Before the mid-nineteenth century, only students and teachers had "vacations"; others described their activities in specific rather than generic ways: "going to the shore," "taking the waters," "attending revivals."

It was not until the 1850s that "vacation" came to be widely used in the United States as a categorical term, applied to a variety of activities, pursued for a variety of purposes. The resistance to accepting an existing general term for an increasingly familiar activity is important as an indication of the ambivalence, even resistance, Americans showed to the advent of this form of concentrated leisure.

"Vacation" as a general, nonspecific activity was defined primarily as an extended break from ordinary occupations. As such, "vacations" troubled a nation emerging from a Puritan past, still adhering to a work ethic with powerful religious sanctions. Just as the physical difficulties of travel had to be relieved before modern vacations were possible, the cultural difficulties of reconciling recreation, play, and pleasure with the nation's prevailing work ethic had to be smoothed. Moreover, the fact that only those at the top of the social ladder were initially able to vacation disturbed American egalitarian sensibilities.

Vacations for the Well-to-Do

Purposes other than escaping work dominated the discourse surrounding extended personal holidays before the 1850s. Mineral springs spas such as Saratoga Springs in New York, Stafford Springs in Connecticut, Berkeley Springs and White Sulfur Springs in Virginia—all of which made extravagant claims about the power of their waters to cure everything from "constipation to sterility, from scrofula to gout, as well as female diseases, sleeplessness, chronic diarrhea, bilious complaints, and hair loss" (Aron, "Vacations and Resorts")—catered to a gentry who justified their abundant leisure as a quest for health or as an escape from disease. Seaside and mountain resorts made similar claims about their environs. Examples include Cape May in southern New Jersey, Nahant in Massachusetts, Newport in Rhode Island, and Catskill Mountain House in New York.

Nevertheless, as more people traveled to these resorts, accompanying the sick or following what had become something of a fad by mid-century, the free time that defined resort presented new challenges: to fill the daily time vacuum, and then to justify activities they were discovering that were hardly health-promoting.

Elites at America's first vacation resorts began an American struggle with a question that had occupied Europeans for millennia, dating back to the classical ages: "What is there to do that is worthwhile in and for itself?" Like the aristocracy in Europe before them, they began experimenting with life beyond the constraints of work and the press of necessity.

At their inception, vacations challenged existing social norms and established cultural values. Whereas the leisure of extended personal holidays provided new opportunities, resorts offered places set apart from normal life to test cultural limits and experiment with alternate forms of social engagement.

Gradually, socializing, amusements, parties and balls, concerts, cotillions, recreation, and sports began filling the leisure vacuum. Vacationers appeared to be enjoying themselves. Social contacts between the sexes, impossible in normal circumstances, opened. Clothing styles and manners altered. Even the mixing of social classes occurred as middle-class Americans gained access to some of the elites' resorts.

Above all, extended personal holidays tested work's cultural hegemony by offering the attractive possibility of life lived beyond work and the press of daily life, of alternative ways to construct human community, transient though it might be, based in freedom and a fuller range of choices. Vacations, like other forms of expanding leisure, were a yeasting time, ripe with potential for social change and cultural experimentation.

Predictably, criticism ensued. Pundits and ministers were alarmed by the gambling, courting, and flirting going on, by the scant bathing costumes worn by swimmers, and by the obvious enjoyment people were having. More importantly, vacationers, the vacation industry, and their apologists felt it necessary to justify vacations to a nation still busy with the problems of making a living and building a nation.

Middle-Class Vacations

The problem of justification intensified as an expanding middle class began to vacation. After the Civil War, the American middle classes continued to grow along with new corporations and professions, and government bureaucracies added white-collar and salaried workers to the list of vacationers with time for extended personal holidays and money to travel.

Going beyond the original justifications—health and escape from disease—vacationers turned increasingly to explaining their vacations in terms of dominant work values. Rest and recuperation during extended personal holidays were deemed important because they improved job performance, at least for the new middle classes and professionals. After vacationing, people retuned to their ordinary lives and occupations with renewed vigor and energized commitments, or so it was claimed. Vacations were less a threat to work when they were justified as a way to improve jobs and strengthen the work ethic.

However, vacations were not completely tamed as the handmaidens of the job. Vacationers and those who provided resorts and administered camps also explained the importance of vacations in terms other than work values, arguing that vacations offered a new way to reinforce and express alternate values Americans held dear.

Vacation apologists began to recommend extended personal holidays as new opportunities for spiritual growth, education, cultural and artistic expression, communitybuilding, healthy contact with the natural world, and creativity. Expressions of such values were important in and for themselves. They did not necessarily have to be subordinated to work to be promoted and developed. Values in their own right, they offered viable alternatives to a nation on the verge of being obsessed by work.

For example, among the dominant American values challenging work's hegemony, concern for the sacred was salient. America's strong support of work as one of life's central concerns stemmed from strong religious beliefs that dated back to the founding of the nation. But such beliefs also sanctioned alternate forms of religious expression and activities—the job had never exhausted the spiritual energy of the majority of believers, nor completely filled daily or weekly schedules.

Vacations for Spiritual Refreshment

Rising to the challenge to fill vacations' time vacuum in meaningful ways, American churchmen and -women developed their own brand of resorts: an infrastructure of camps designed to promote religion, spiritual exercise, healthful sports, moral recreations, and religion-based (primarily Christian) communities.

Early in the nineteenth century Methodist churches held massive revival meetings, attracting hundreds of faithful to extended stays in camps away from their work and homes. Their original success prompted organizers to offer revivals at the same place year after year. Such revival meetings as those held at Wesleyan Grove on Martha's Vineyard off the coast of Massachusetts, Ocean Grove on the northern New Jersey shore, and Rehoboth on the Delaware shore grew into yearly resorts by the end of the nineteenth century, complete with hotels, auditoriums, boardinghouses and cottages, and recreation facilities. By the turn of the twentieth century, such camps were annually attracting thousands—35,000 in the case of Rehoboth.

Other religious groups followed suit, establishing camps and resort facilities in places exceptional for their beauty, such as the YMCA camp at Silver Bay, on the shores of Lake George in New York's Adirondacks. Searching for meaningful vacation experiences, religious camps and resorts began to offer adult-education opportunities, community-building, and cultural and artistic activities. Foremost among such experiments was the Chautauqua.

In 1874, John Vincent, a Methodist minister, established a new kind of vacation opportunity in Chautauqua in western New York. Building on the camp meeting model, Vincent and his followers expanded leisure opportunities available for vacationers. Beginning by offering spiritual refreshment and instruction (Vincent's original purpose was to train volunteer Sunday school teachers), Chautauqua expanded its educational mission to include lectures, music and art instruction, and classes in a variety of subjects. A fledgling democratic culture emerged as vacationers began using their leisure to actively engage in drama, the arts and crafts, and nature study rather than depend on "professionals" to do these things for them while they sat and watched. Promoting "physical education," health, fresh air, and vigorous exercise, Chautauqua also began to explore ways the human body could be developed and enjoyed rather than covered and ignored. By 1900, the movement boasted over 200 chapters nationwide.

Historians have tended to dismiss these efforts at personal growth and self-improvement as so much bourgeois moral uplift, as attempts to control the behavior of those not held firmly enough in line by the coils of work. In short, historians have understood nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century vacations as simple extensions of the work ethic: since idle hands were the devil's workshop, vacationers had to be kept busy and distracted from doing what came naturally. The title of Cindy Aron's standard history of American vacations is revealing: Working at Play.

An alternate reading of early American vacations, however, may be that vacationers were deliberately exploring freedom's potential. By their own accounts, they were testing possibilities outside working and producing, exploring leisure as a unique opportunity for community and for progress in free expression of the things of the mind, the body, and spirit. America's first vacations may also be understood as challenging work's ascendancy, offering things impossible for people to realize fully at work or in economic and market terms.

Outdoor Vacations

Besides religious camps and elite health resorts, nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century vacationers discovered the outdoors. Camping on their own in the woods, hiking, hunting, boating, birding, fishing, and exploring, Americans found an economical alternative to expensive resorts. They also discovered a more private alternative to religious camps' full schedules, moralizing, and community activities.

Interest in camping began during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Magazines, newspapers, and medical experts, responding to widespread concerns about overwork and neurasthenia, began to recommend extended holidays in the outdoors. However, since there were not many ways to get to the small number of existing resources, few were able to take such advice.

With the coming of the Model T and better roads, governments began to adapt existing public lands for recreation, responding to the building demand for outdoor facilities and services. Through most of the nineteenth century, the federal government's first priority was to transfer its vast tracts of public lands to private hands—homesteaders, ranchers, and the railroads were among the primary beneficiaries.

However, in the last quarter of the century, a movement began to retain in the public sector at least some of the nation's natural heritage. Abstract, idealistic goals dominated the movement at first. Some saw the need to preserve remnants of the rapidly closing frontier as reminders of the wellsprings of America's primary virtues, such as self-reliance, individualism, and the democratic spirit. Other wanted to preserve particularly beautiful parts of the country, such as the Grand Canyon and Yellowstone, from the blight of "development." Still others, conservationists, wanted to manage public land to prevent the depletion of natural resources and the degradation of the environment.

However, "use" of public lands remained a basic political reality. Setting aside millions of acres of public lands from private economic purposes just for their beauty or abstract historical significance, even for conservation, was a political nonstarter.

Consequently, outdoor recreation and vacationing were all-important political engines driving preservation of public lands and conservation of natural resources through the twentieth century. Recreation allowed Americans to use public lands in a way that did not, necessarily, deplete nature or transfer ownership to private hands. Preservationists and conservationists joined forces, championing the recreational use of public lands.

During the first two decades of the twentieth century, America witnessed a fateful confluence of public interest in outdoor vacations and recreation, and the political will to preserve and conserve the nation's natural heritage.

The national forests were among the first and most important vacation resources. In 1905 President Theodore Roosevelt created the U.S. Forest Service, adding 99 million acres to the system in 1907, and renaming the nation's forest reserves the "National Forests." Opening more of the National Forests to recreational use after 1910, the Forest Service saw the number of visitors increase dramatically, from around 500,000 in 1914 to over 15 million in 1925 to nearly 32 million by 1930.

In 1916, Congress created the National Parks Service to oversee the network of National Parks in existence, particularly their recreational use. Congress created the nation's first park, Yellowstone in the Wyoming and Montana territories, in 1872 as "a public park or pleasuring-ground for the benefit and enjoyment of the people" (Report of the President's Research Committee on Social Trends, p. 920). The Park Service's original charter was to preserve the nation's natural heritage. But from the beginning, recreation, "the enjoyment of the people," was a primary directive.

With better roads, the expanding use of the automobile, and more facilities, attendance at parks also grew rapidly. In 1910, the federal government counted only around 200,000 visitors to its National Parks. In 1920, the newly formed Parks Service counted nearly 2 million visitors, and over 3 million by 1931.

Individual states responded as well. By 1928, the states had set aside 4.5 million acres of forests and parks for public use, with states in the Northeast leading the way; New York State accounted for over half of the total.

Outdoor vacations are one of the best illustrations of the ways that leisure has offered alternatives to work's hegemony. The American love of the nation's parks and forests, the popularity of hunting, fishing, and camping vacations, and the national will to preserve nature are emblematic of a historical resistance to the overexpansion of marketplace into the free realms of time and space.

Workers, Shorter Weekly Hours, and Vacations

The majority of Americans, however, were slow to take vacations of any kind. It was not until 1940, when most workers had jobs that provided them with paid vacations, that the phenomenon of mass vacationing was born.

The most common explanation for workers coming so late to vacations is that they were not able to afford them—middle classes vacationed as soon as they had the money. Why, then, did workers begin vacationing when the nation was experiencing its worst of economic hard times? Moreover, workers and labor fought successfully, on their own, for shorter hours for over a century, cutting work hours virtually in half. If they were thus able to shorten their work hours, why did they neglect vacations?

Before World War II, workers were concerned mainly with reducing daily and weekly work hours, having little interest in vacations. Unions stressed the importance of shorter weekly work hours as a way to combat unemployment and improve wages (reducing the supply of labor increased the price—vacations having little impact). Organized labor was committed to shorter hours as an open-ended, continuous process; as a way to win back more and more of workers' lives from the job and marketplace.

Workers were mainly interested in the kind of leisure distribution that shorter days and weeks provided. Shorter daily hours introduced free time into existing worker culture, strengthening local communities and families and promoting expression and creation of local culture.

For example, during the Depression, Kellogg workers found that working a thirty-hour week allowed more time for daily family activities (reading to the children, taking walks, preparing meals, participating in hobbies and games at home), community engagement and service (drinking at bars and taverns, conversing on the front porch, visiting, doing church work, joining clubs, volunteering), and cultural exchange (indigenous activities such as bowling, softball, table tennis, fishing, hunting, music groups). Such locally integrated leisure activities also tended to be "time-intensive," requiring little spending of money in proportion to time spent doing the activity.

Before the 1930s, what little interest in worker vacations existed came mostly from outside the labor movement and worker communities. A few reformers after the turn of the twentieth century tried to encourage worker vacations for health and "hygiene" reasons, offering camps and other facilities and organizing "fresh air funds" for urban children and working-class women. A few business managers provided employees with paid vacations during the 1920s, reasoning that a vacation's rest and recuperation made for more loyal and productive workers the rest of the year.

However, it was only after 1935 that American companies began to offer vacation to their employees in significant numbers. By 1940, over half the workforce had paid vacations, 70 percent of which began between 1930 and 1937—40 percent in 1937 alone. Paid vacations for workers tripled in the period from 1935 to 1937. Despite the worsening of the Depression in 1937 and 1938, few vacation benefits were rescinded.

By contrast, during the Depression, unions concentrated their efforts on work-sharing to relieve unemployment, promoting the Black-Connery Bill to reduce the workweek to thirty hours by federal legislation. Vacations were notably absent in the union agenda simply because they counted little in the primary battle against unemployment. An indication of union disinterest is the fact that in 1940, when most workers had vacation coverage, only 25 percent of unionized workers had paid vacations.

Workers Turn to Vacations

Unions became interested in vacations only during World War II when the federal government froze wages and prices—when their wage demands were stymied. Trying to find a way around federal wage-stabilization policies, unions convinced the War Labor Board to permit fringe benefits to increase, with the result that by the end of 1944, vacations were one of the most frequently discussed subjects in collective bargaining negotiations. By the end of 1944, 85 percent of organized workers had vacation benefits and had caught up with national averages. Accepting fringe benefits (the most important being vacations) in lieu of wage increases remained an important union strategy throughout Harry Truman's postwar attempts to control inflation.

Moreover, before the war, workers, agreeing that the main fight was to create jobs by job-sharing, were content to continue their century-long struggle for continuous work reduction. Fortune magazine conducted a nationwide poll in 1935, asking, "If people could have more leisure, which would be better, a shorter working day or a longer vacation?" Over two-thirds of respondents preferred shorter hours, less than 28 percent vacations. Fortune concluded: "It was the prosperous who favored longer vacations, 44.2 percent. But this opinion dwindles steadily as the scale descends, and by occupation, 75 percent of both factory and salaried workers favored the shorter day."

The facts that vacations came after the century-long movement to reduce working hours (vacations became common for workers only after the stabilization of the workweek at forty hours), that they spread most rapidly during a period of economic distress, and that they were promoted by employers to employees who had little interest in this form of leisure raise additional historical questions.

Employers generally opposed the shorter hours process. The century of work's reduction was a distinctive working-class movement. Why, then, did managers and owners suddenly offer vacations during the 1930s to workers who were largely disinterested and still fighting the battle for shorter workweeks?

Business Encourages Vacations

Employers' motives were complex. Explicitly they maintained that vacations rested workers, who returned to their jobs with more energy and better attitudes. In short, vacations increased production and improved work.

More importantly, however, employers introduced vacations as a way to control workers' leisure-taking. By making vacations a job benefit, employees effectively linked leisure to the stable and steady holding of a "full-time" job, newly defined during the Depression as forty or more hours a week. Uniformly, managers granted paid vacations as a reward for "steady and loyal service," keying them to a sliding scale based on the number of years of service to the company. "Part-time" employment did not qualify.

Vacations, as a full-time-job "benefit," effectively shifted control of leisure-taking from workers to management, who made vacations contingent on a variety of conditions, prominent among them "steady employment."

Moreover, it was no accident that employers made serious efforts to provide paid vacations only when the threat of legislated thirty hours was imminent. During the two years before business' major vacation push—1935 to 1937—the American press and pundits confidently predicted that the thirty-hour week would soon become law and the next giant step would be taken in labor's campaign for the continuous reduction of labor hours. Much of Roosevelt's New Deal may be understood in terms of his administration and his business supporters delaying and offering alternatives to thirty-hours legislation.

Vacations for workers was a sort of backfire, deliberately set by employers to combat the peril of spreading leisure, a century-long conflagration that was threatening the centrality of work and the marketplace in American life.

Commodifying Vacations

Moreover, business recognized that leisure in the form of vacations was much more easily commodified. Franklin D. Roosevelt joined forces with the business vacation initiative, promoting vacations and the vacation industry as ways to get the economy moving and growing and create more full-time jobs. Responding to the threat of work-sharing, Roosevelt mounted a campaign to create new work by new federal programs and policies. Recognizing that tourism provided more jobs than such vital industries as clothing (11 percent more jobs), printing and publishing (45 percent), and banking (185 percent), Roosevelt actively supported the industry. For example, after the creation of the short-lived U.S. Travel Bureau, formed explicitly to "publicize, promote, and stimulate" travel and tourism, he proclaimed 1940 "Travel America Year."

During the 1920s and 1930s, businessmen and economists concluded that one of the best ways to stabilize work was to commodify leisure. To paraphrase Henry Ford: "If people can be persuaded to spend more during their free time, they will have to work more to pay for it."

Vacations became a primary way to implement this theory. Compared with the forms of weekly leisure that workers traditionally preferred, which were integrated into daily life and tended alarmingly toward the "time-intensive" variety, vacations promised to be much more expensive. Indeed, all such leisure "bunches" (weekends, holidays) have proved to be more conducive to "goods-intensive" kinds of leisure experiences, a mixture requiring more spending in proportion to the time available.

American business discovered that vacations offered a marketing bonanza. Representing the emerging business view, Henry Ford concluded that "leisure is a cold business fact. Where people work less they buy more. [B]usiness is the exchange of goods. Goods are bought only as they meet needs. Needs are filled only as they are felt. They make themselves felt largely in the leisure hours" (Ford, pp. 613–614).

The growth of the tourist industry during the twentieth century steadily encroached upon the cultural openings leisure first offered for free experimentation, nonpecuniary activities, and civic engagement. Vacations, requiring expensive travel and lodging from their beginnings, were increasingly commodified.

The industry was founded on transportation, food services, and accommodations. These three still account for most vacation spending. What has changed is the centrality of these basics. Not only have they become ever more expensive, they have occupied ever more of the vacationers' time, energy, and attention, often excluding opportunities for other activities. "Pleasure driving," motoring for its own sake, became widespread during the 1920s. "Pleasure travel" now accounts for nearly 57 percent of all household trips.

Since World War II, successful entrepreneurs have lured vacationers from the relatively cheap amusements of the early resorts and camps to activities that require spending more money. Clothes and recreational-equipment manufacturers vigorously promoted their wares to vacationers. The entertainment industry followed vacationers to resort areas, famously to the borscht belt in the New York Catskills. Roadside advertising and "attractions" began littering highways, catering to vacationers as they traveled. Coney Island established a precedent for amusement parks that proliferated in the twentieth century, providing passive, mass, and impersonal experiences instead of active and civilly engaged opportunities.

Since World War II, tourism has emerged as one of the most important sectors of the American economy. Paid vacations are the most common job benefit in the United States; 96 percent of workers have them. Now, according to the U.S. Department of Labor, nearly half of all Americans take vacations each year, spending about 7 percent of their incomes during the period of the survey, almost as much as they spend on food at home. Shopping has become one of the most frequent vacation activities.

In 2004, states actively promoted the industry, vying with one another for the vacationers' dollars, developing state vacation sites, and attempting to attract tourist-based businesses. Tax revenues from tourism became a major source of income for states and local governments across the nation.

Researchers now conclude, "Tourism has become the world's largest business enterprise, overtaking defense, manufacturing, oil, and agriculture [accounting for] about 6 percent of the world's gross national product" (Lundberg, Krishnamoorthy, and Stavenga, pp. ix, 14). The economic importance of tourism as a source of employment and government revenue is shown in Table 1.

Vacations after World War II

After World War II, vacations stabilized in the United States at about two weeks a year, unlike in Europe, where vacations grew steadily.

The United States has passed no laws mandating paid vacations. By contrast, the European Union (EU) now requires European employers to offer at least four weeks of paid vacation to employees. France has legislation requiring twenty-five days, Germany twenty days, the Netherlands twenty days, and the United Kingdom (coming into compliance with the EU's "Working Time Directive" in 1996) twenty days. However, the average number of vacation days in Europe is significantly higher than the legislated minimums.

Other than legislation, several reasons for this disparity are most often given: the relative weakness of American labor, American labor's abandonment of shorter hours in favor or wages, and the stronger European vacation tradition.

However, other reasons may be suggested. One of the most important is the extent to which American vacations have been commodified. Being more expensive, vacations are less in demand. Moreover, the American vacation may simply be more unattractive. Unlike European companies that tend to hire additional workers, often students and interns, to take up the slack, American firms generally "work around" those on vacation, leaving work piled on desks for the vacationer's return—a major disincentive for employees.

Becoming more homogeneous and commercial, the American vacation may also be less attractive than the European's more varied and active experiences. Another reason for Americans' short vacations may be the "long arm of the job." New technologies, cell phones, the Internet, and fax machines obscure the boundary between work and leisure, and many are now tethered to their jobs regardless of how far they travel.

Finally, work's cultural centrality discourages all forms of additional leisure-taking. People in the industrial nations, led by the United States, have come to answer traditional religious questions (Who am I? Where am I going? What should I do today?) more and more by reference to their work/job/profession/career instead of traditional religions. The new work ethic is no longer Protestant; there is little or no God-talk associated with it. It is a distinctively modern and secular work ethic/religion growing to fill the void left by the retreat of the traditional faiths. It has become, as Max Weber noted, the very "Spirit of Capitalism."

Work has evolved as an ultimate measure of progress and human betterment. The more of it, the better. What is work for in the final analysis? What is work's ultimate justification—its supreme purpose? The modern answer: more work.

With such a cultural focus on the job, little attention is paid to creating interests and enthusiasm for active and engaged leisure pursuits. Leisure and vacations then become a freedom too far, a cultural vacuum that Americans have lost the will to try to fill with meaningful activities. Leisure's autotelic question goes largely unanswered as people escape back to their jobs.

As a result, American vacations now may be contracting. Nearly half of all full-time employees, failing to use all their vacation days, lose them each year.

See also: Beaches, Disneyland, National Parks, Recreational Vehicles, State Parks, Theme and Amusement Parks, Tourism, Walt Disney World, Working-Class Leisure and Recreation

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Benjamin Kline Hunnicutt