After his election as president of the Islamic Republic of Iran on June 24, 2005, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (born 1956) emerged as one of the world's most controversial, and in some quarters most feared, political leaders.
With a hard-line attitude and a devout, almost mystical Islamic faith forged partly in Iran's earlier conflicts with Iraq and with the United States, Ahmadinejad defied Western demands that Iran halt the development of its nuclear energy program, which in the view of many Western leaders was intended to put Iran on the path toward acquisition of nuclear weapons. That possibility alarmed no one more than the leaders of Israel, whose legitimacy as a state Ahmadinejad repeatedly questioned. According to U.S. News & World Report as well as other news outlets, he even stated that "Israel must be wiped off the map." Ahmadinejad had critics within Iran as well, but he was a charismatic politician with a strong base of support at home, especially among Iranians who had shared his modest origins. Even in the West, Ahmadinejad became an instantly recognizable figure in his characteristic loafers and light-colored cotton jackets.
Son of Blacksmith
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (mah-MOOD ah-mah-dihnee-ZHAHD) was born Mahmoud Saborjhian on October 28, 1956, the fourth son among seven children of a blacksmith in the town of Aradan, Iran, near the larger city of Garmsar. When he was one year old, the family moved to the Iranian capital of Tehran and took the more religious surname of Ahmadinejad. He grew up in a country under the sway of Western influence: three years before he was born, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency had sponsored a coup that installed the pro-Western Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi as Iran's head of state. Many Iranians, led by the country's hierarchy of Islamic clerics, resented the Western incursion into Iranian culture and politics.
That resentment reached a peak during Ahmadinejad's college years. His chance to pursue higher education was a direct result of his scholastic accomplishments; in 1975 he finished 130th among students in the entire country who took university entrance exams that year, and he was admitted as a civil engineering student at Tehran's University of Science and Technology. Ahmadinejad would eventually go on for master's and doctoral degrees in engineering, but in the late 1970s political activities took first place in his life. Islamic activism was repressed by the Shah, but Ahmadinejad turned out anti-Shah leaflets on a hidden printing press, and he and some friends issued a protest magazine called Jiq va Dad (Scream and Shout). He joined a student group called the Office for Strengthening Unity Between Universities and Theological Seminaries.
This group of religious students was involved with the seizure of the American embassy in Tehran in the fall of 1979 and the subsequent imprisonment of embassy staff as hostages. An Iranian official who was a friend of Ahmadinejad's at the time told Newsweek that Ahmadinejad participated in planning sessions but actually argued against the embassy takeover. The Global Security website, however, reported that Ahmadinejad had advocated a simultaneous attack on both the U.S. and Soviet Union embassies. After Ahmadinejad's election as president, some former U.S. hostages alleged that he had been among the actual hostage-takers. Ahmadinejad has denied the allegation, and U.S. intelligence agencies have generally supported his denials.
Whatever his actual involvement in the plot, the devoutly religious Ahmadinejad devoted his energies to supporting the government of the new Islamic Republic of Iran under the spiritual leadership of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and he soon became active in the inner circles of the regime's military arm. After Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein ordered an invasion of Iran in 1980, Ahmadinejad volunteered to fight the Iraqis in western Iran, home to many members of the Kurdish ethnic group. By 1986 he was a senior member of Iran's elite Special Brigade of Revolutionary Guards. He participated in covert operations near the city of Kirkuk and worked to counter not only the Iraqi incursion but also the political aspirations of the stateless Kurds. Ahmadinejad was placed in charge of two Iranian cities, Maku and Khoy, and he served as an advisor to the governor-general of Iran's Kurdistan province.
Mixed Academic and Political Activities
Later, during his political career, Ahmadinejad would often invoke the names of his many comrades-in-arms who had fallen on the battlefield. He was part of a generation that lived through both the Islamic Revolution and the Iran-Iraq war, a generation that would come to dominate Iranian life. In the late 1980s Ahmadinejad's life was outwardly uneventful, but he continued to maintain his ties to the country's revolutionary leadership. In 1986 he was admitted into a master's degree program in engineering at the University of Science and Technology. He married another university professor and had two sons and a daughter
In 1989 Ahmadinejad joined the civil engineering faculty at the University of Science and Technology. He continued his political and military activities, however. A member of Austria's parliament, citing unnamed Iranian sources, charged that Ahmadinejad participated, as a lookout, in the assassination of Kurdish leader Abdul Rahman Ghassemlou in Vienna in 1989. Newsweek reported that U.S. intelligence agents had found no evidence of this, but Austrian authorities were investigating the charge as of 2006. In 1993 Ahmadinejad joined the Iranian government as advisor for cultural affairs to the minister of culture and higher education, and later that year he was named governor general of Ardabil province.
It has been reported that Ahmadinejad received a doctoral degree in transportation engineering in 1987, but his own website biography gives the date of that degree as 1997. The later date corresponds with a period during which Ahmadinejad's hard-line faction was out of power in Iran—he was removed from his governorship after the election of moderate reformer Mohammad Khatami as Iranian president that year. Ahmadinejad returned to his teaching job, wearing the black-and-white kaffiyeh scarf associated with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat as he walked around campus. He was out of political life until 2003, when he was named mayor of Tehran by the city's conservative-dominated municipal council.
Ahmadinejad was still little known nationally and internationally, but his charisma and political skills first became evident during his tenure as Tehran's mayor. He imposed new cultural restrictions favored by the mullahs, or Islamic religious leaders, who really held the reins of power in Iran, shutting down Western fast-food restaurants and ordering the covering of billboard advertisements featuring English soccer star David Beckham. But as significant as his actual policies was the bond Ahmadinejad formed with Tehran's deeply religious working class. At one point he donned a street sweeper's uniform to earn the support of city workers, and he shunned limousine transportation in favor of a 1977 Peugeot automobile he had owned for many years.
Earned Reputation as Incorruptible
Ahmadinejad's own working class speech patterns were ridiculed by Tehran's political elite, but ordinary Iranians saw him as a rather spiritual figure untouched by the political corruption that was dragging down the country's economy despite its vast reserves of oil. The suave interview subject, who later became known to American audiences with his appearance on the 60 Minutes television program, made an impression on Iranians as well. His calm demeanor, Brown University professor William Beeman told Thomas Omestad of U.S. News & World Report, reflected "a Sufi-like detachment from desire. This plays fantastically in Iran."
In 2005 Ahmadinejad, still not a familiar name internationally, entered the race for president of Iran. Contrary to the predictions of observers, he snared one of two spots in the June runoff against the moderate, well-established, and personally wealthy Islamic cleric Hashemi Rafsanjani. Ahmadinejad employed displays of personal piety, visiting a shrine in the town of Jamarkan, where many Iranians believed that the Mahdi, a religious leader from early in the history of Islam's Shiite branch, would miraculously reappear. He combined this pious message with promises of new social programs, and on June 24 he won a convincing victory over Rafsanjani in the runoff, winning 17,046,441 votes to Rafsanjani's 9,841,346. Western governments, and even Shiite religious leaders in neighboring Iraq, had little idea of who he was.
They soon found out a great deal more. Ahmadinejad followed through on campaign pledges to increase social spending and, confounding predictions that he would impose Islamic dress codes on Iranian women, he actually liberalized regulations pertaining to women's attendance at sporting events. But what gained attention in the West was Ahmadinejad's confrontational foreign policy stance. Alarmed by a litany of anti-Israeli rhetoric in Ahmadinejad's public speeches, U.S. president George W. Bush demanded that Iran halt its civilian nuclear power program, which was widely viewed in the West as a possible prelude to the acquisition of nuclear weapons. Through 2005 and 2006, Iran resisted United Nations attempts—supported even by Russia and China—to slow its nuclear program. Ahmadinejad steadfastly denied that the research had military aims, telling Weymouth that "our religion prohibits us from having nuclear arms."
As some in Israel and in the U.S. administration were reportedly considering a difficult campaign of direct military action against Iran, commentators disagreed over the nature of the threat Ahmedinejad posed. Many were unnerved by his combination of militancy and religious fervor. But Fareed Zakaria, writing in Newsweek, believed that "as long as the [international anti-Iranian-nuclear] alliance is patient, united, and smart—and keeps the focus on Tehran's actions, not Washington's bellicosity—the odds favor America."
In 2006 Ahmadinejad took his case directly to America's leadership and to its people—the former in a rambling, 18-page letter sent to President Bush that attacked American foreign policy, and the latter in the new medium of the blog (or weblog). He established his own website and posted a "Message to the American People" that asked, "Is it not possible to put wealth and power in the service of peace, stability, prosperity, and the happiness of all peoples through a commitment to justice and respect for the rights of all nations, instead of aggression and war?" By late 2006, although the conflict over Iran's nuclear program was still very much alive, former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger had joined other top-level American leaders in urging that Iran be brought into negotiations over Iraq's future. Ahmadinejad's international reputation declined further in December of that year when Iran hosted a conference of scholars who questioned the historical veracity of the Holocaust during World War II. The long-term implications of Ahmadinejad's rising international influence remained unclear.
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Time, July 4, 2005; April 3, 2006; September 25, 2006.
U.S. News & World Report, November 7, 2005; October 2, 2006.
"Biography of H.E. Dr. Ahmadi Nejad, Honourable President of Islamic Republic of Iran," Presidency of the Islamic Republic of Iran, http://www.president.ir/eng/ahmadinejad/bio (December 1, 2006).
"Message to the American People," Mahmoud Ahmedinejad Official Website, http://www.ahmadinejad.ir (December 1, 2006).
President of Iran
Born Mahmoud Saborjhian, October 28, 1956, in Aradan, Iran; son of a blacksmith; married to a university lecturer; children: two sons, one daughter. Education: Iran University of Science and Technology, Ph.D., 1987.
Addresses: Home—Tehran, Iran.
Served in the Islamic Revolutionary Guards, late 1980s; lecturer, Iran University of Science and Technology (IUST), c. 1989–93 and 1997–2003; appointed governor of Maku and later Khoy provinces; advisor for cultural affairs to the Minister of Culture and Higher Education, 1993; governor general of Ardabil province, 1993–97; elected mayor of Tehran, 2003; elected president of Iran, 2005.
Iranian voters chose Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as the country's president in June of 2005. A devout Shiite Muslim and veteran of the 1980–88 Iran-Iraq War, the former Tehran mayor had gained a reputation as a public servant known for his adherence to the stricter tenets of Islam, and he was even rumored to have participated in the 1979 seizure of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran during his younger days. During his first year as president, Ahmadinejad's plans to expand Iran's nuclear program has alarmed the Western powers. Newsweek magazine described him as "less a leader than a symbol, combining ferocious pride, militant piety, an expansive view of Iran and a narrow vision of the world that are all products of the Islamic revolution."
The son of a blacksmith, Ahmadinejad was born in 1956 in Aradan, a village on the ancient Silk Route that for centuries had carried traders back and forth from Asia to the Mediterranean world. He was one of seven children in a poor family, and when they relocated to Tehran, Iran's capital, during his infancy, they changed their name from Saborjhian, which meant "thread painter." This was one of the lowliest jobs in Iran's traditional carpet-weaving industry, but the new family moniker, Ahmadinejad, denoted "race of Muhammad" or "virtuous race."
Ahmadinejad grew up in an Iran ruled over by an autocratic, pro-Western leader, Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi. The Shah, as he was known, had been installed after a Central Intelligence Agency-sponsored coup in 1953 that came in response to the previous government's nationalization of its oil industry, which effectively shut out U.S. and British companies. Pahlavi modernized Iran, but his schemes alienated the conservative Islamic clerics in the country, and there was growing unrest by the time Ahmadinejad reached college age.
After scoring high on a national merit exam, Ahmadinejad entered Iran University of Science and Technology (IUST) in 1976, from which he would earn a doctorate in traffic and transportation engineering and planning eleven years later. A devout Muslim from an early age, he joined other university students who were organizing in opposition to the Shah's regime, and for a time headed the Office for Strengthening Unity, a student organization. It is thought he went abroad to Lebanon in the late 1970s, as a bloody civil war raged there, and was active in Shiite groups battling for control of the country. Back in Iran, he kept a secret printing press in his family's home which he and his fellow activists used to produce leaflets denouncing the Shah. In early 1979, the Shah fled Iran, and Islamic hardliners seized control of the country in what became known as the Islamic Revolution. Later that year, a group of students stormed the U.S. Embassy and held 52 Americans hostage for the next 14 months.
Ahmadinejad joined the Islamic Revolutionary Guards in 1986, the militia force loyal to Iran's spiritual leader at the time, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. He served in covert operations with the organization, probably in the Iraqi city of Kirkuk, and may have also been involved in elimination of enemies of the Ayatollah. Intelligence sources believed he traveled to Austria in 1989 and aided in the assassination of a Kurdish dissident in Vienna. After a stint as a professor of civil engineering at his alma mater, IUST, he held political appointments in the provinces of Maku and Khoy, and back in Tehran was a member of the Basij religious militia, a notorious band of young, bearded men who crisscrossed the city on motorcycles searching for women out in public who were in violation of the regime's strict dress code, or in the company of a male who was not a close relative. Arrests and even beatings of such women were commonplace.
Ahmadinejad was appointed to serve as governor of Ardabil province in 1993, but his political career stalled briefly when Mohammad Khatami was elected president in 1997. Khatami was a reformer, but his efforts were thwarted by a lack of political support in Iran's parliament along with an assertive campaign on the part of the mullahs, or Muslim clerics, to maintain control. In the interim, Ahmadinejad returned to teaching at the university level once again, which is also the career of his wife, with whom he has two sons and a daughter. He became the surprise frontrunner in Tehran's mayoral race in May of 2003. Ahmadinejad, noted Jason Burke, a writer for London's Observer, "was honest, poor, hardworking and devout and, as such, different from virtually every other Iranian politician. His rhetoric appealed to all those millions of people who had gained little under six years of a 'reforming' administration."
During his two years as mayor, Ahmadinejad implemented his conservative agenda by ordering that some cultural centers be turned into prayer centers, cracking down on the newly proliferating Internet cafes, and cancelling some secular entertainment events. Among the city's working classes, he was respected for bringing his own lunch to work every day and driving the same 1977 Peugeot he had owned for years. With a public profile boosted by his municipal leadership, Ahmadinejad decided to run for president in the spring of 2005, and had little trouble besting Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, a reform-minded mullah and ex-president. Ahmadinejad's campaign stressed his humble background, work ethic, and piety, and his wartime service appealed to the country's aging veterans of the Iran-Iraq conflict of his own generation.
Shortly after Ahmadinejad's victory at the polls, some of the former American hostages, who were released in January of 1981, claimed that Ahmadinejad had been one of their captors 26 years earlier. The president-elect denied the allegations, but Western intelligence sources conceded that he was indeed involved in the international diplomatic incident. Perhaps more worrisome, however, is Ahmadinejad's support for Iran's nuclear program, which Iran claims is vital to its domestic energy needs. Others worry that its uranium-enrichment program is being done with the goal of producing a viable nuclear weapon. "We've been extremely cooperative," Ahmadinejad noted in an interview with Time's Adam Zagorin about compliance with international nuclear protocols. "Monitoring cameras are everywhere in our facilities. At the same time, we see that some powers continue to expand their armaments. We see that the occupiers of Jerusalem have been getting nuclear warheads. But there is absolutely no report about controls in countries where nuclear arms already exist. So we think that this whole attitude toward Iran is actually a political posture."
Guardian (London, England), July 2, 2005, p. 15; April 25, 2006, p. 14.
Newsweek, February 13, 2006, p. 26.
New York Times, June 26, 2005; July 2, 2005.
Observer (London, England), January 15, 2006, p. 39.
Time, September 26, 2005, p. 8.