Hunayn the Translator

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HUNAYN THE TRANSLATOR

Hunayn’s contributions to the art of physic consist of accurate translations, by him and the members of his school, of Greek medical and philosophical texts into Syriac and Arabic, and his own popular and concise books on medicine.1 Here we shall survey his activities as a translator of Galen’s works and attempt a critical study of his most popular book

Questions on Medicine.

In their role as mediator between Galen, on the one hand, and Syriac— and Arabic-reading physicians, on the other, the contributions of Hunayn and each member of his school of translation are detailed in Hunayn ibn Ishāq’s Missive to ʿAtī ihn Yahxa on Galen’s Books Which, so Far as He [Hunayn] Knows, Have Been Translated and Some oj Those Books Which Have Not Been Translated2 An invaluable commentary on this work was written by M. Meyerhof.3

In his youth and mature years, Hunayn wrote his translations in his own hand: later his copyists al—Ahwal and al—Azraq transcribed for him.4 The latter wrote in large Kufic script, the lines far apart on thick paper of great size; hence the survival of many of these manuscripts until the time of Ibn Abī Usaybiʿa (d. 1270),5 wfho reports that Hunayn was paid in gold for his translations, weight for weight.6

Hunayn was forty—eight when he completed the first draft of his Missive, and about eight years later he made certain additions to its text.7 Further posthumous textual interpolations suggest that it was brought up to date, possibly by Abuʾ l—Hasan ʿAlī ibn Yahya al—Munajjim (d 888/889), to whom the Missive was addressed.8 The fact that Hunayn’s Missive, which presents impressive information on his period and on some of his predecessors, was compiled —he says —after the loss of his own library, indicates dedication and a thorough knowledge of his work. He could easily remember such details as the contents and purpose of each of Galen’s books, the names of persons to whom certain works were addressed, the number of treatises in each work, his age and experiences when translating certain books (including those he either retranslated or merely revised and corrected), previous translators (with fair evaluation of their achievements), the names of customers who requested Syriac and Arabic versions, the role of each member of his school of translation, and accounts of Greek manuscripts of Galen’s works that survived in full or in part, as well as those lost in his time.9

The late Alexandrian school of medicine (sixth to seventh century) followed a certain order of reading Galen’s books that was quite unlike Galen’s own order, which is outlined in On the Order of his books.10 This deviation from Galen’s order is discussed in Hunayn’s Missive, which also contains critical didactic remarks on textual alterations that were introduced by teachers of medicine in the late school of Alexandria. Not surprisingly, therefore, a few slips of the mind are encountered in the Missive. One is Hunayn’s failure to mention-in the correct order-Galen’s On the Method of the Preservation of Health.11 According to Arabic manuscripts and bibliographical sources, it was the last book in the late Alexandrian corpus entitled Summaries and Commentaries of Galen’s Sixteen Books Which Were Read in Alexandria (better known as the Summaria Alexandrinorum), in which sixteen of Galen’s books appear in a fixed order of succession.12 Furthermore, Hunayn concludes his statement about On the Method of Headling (which he wrongly gives as the last item of the Summaria) by writing: “Greek copies of this book are few because it was not among the books which were read in the school of Alexandria.”A few lines later he contradicts himself, saying: “These are the books to which reading was confined at the place of the teaching of medicine in Alexandria, and were read in the order I have cited them. [Students] gathered every day to read and understand a principal book, in the same way as our Christian companions as semble at present at the places of teaching known as ‘Schools.’” 14 It seems that Hunayn’s list of Galen’s books was incomplete. Al-Rāzī (Rhazes, d. 925 or 935) wrote a book entitled Kitāb fīi istidrāak mā baqiya min kutub Jālīnūs mimmā lamyadhkurh Hunayn wa-lā Jālīnūs fī fihristih (“An Appendix Containing Those Books of Galen Which Are Mentioned Neither by Galen in His Index, Nor by Hunayn”)15

Galen’s books that appear in Hunayn’s Missive number 129; of these, he translated about ninety from Greek into Suriac and about forty into Arabic. Some books were translated more than once from Greek into Suraic for Christian physicians, and many were forther rendered into Arabic for Muslim doctors, book collectors, and patrons.16 Hunayn’s research technique and method of translation are exemplary, even by tresent standards. His two earlist translations were made from Greek into Syraic for Jibrāʾīl ibn Bukhtīshūʿ (d. 828/829).17 The first, On the Types of Fevers,18 completed when Hunayn was not yet seventeen, later displeased him-not because of its quality, but because he discovered gaps in the Greek text. He eventually filled these gaps through reading batter manuscripts in order to prepare a reliable copy that he could transcript for one of his sons.19On the Natural Faculties,20 the second Hunayn’s long list of translated works, was made when he was seventeen. Again, lacunae in the text of Greek manuscripts used in an earlier Syraic translation led him to correct the same book twice, before rendering it into Arabic; hence a warning to prospective readers of On the Natural Faculties that three Syraic versions., all by Hunayn, exist,21 At one stage therefore, in the development of his technique, and probably that of his school of translations, Hunayn first established a reliable Greek text and then embarked on translating it.22 This scholarly procedure does not seem to appear in any other known works written during-or before-Hunayn’s time.

Those who understook the “revision and correction” of texts were excellent translators who had mastered Greek, Syriac, and Arabic,23 The method of revision is described in Hunayn’s own words: at times, it sufficed to insert corrections in order to amend a previous translation; at others, it proved easier to make a fresh translation from the Greek. He gives interesting information about these alternative methods in his critical account of Sarjiyūs ai-Raʾs Aynī’s24 (Sergius of Resaina, d. 536) translation of On the Method of Headling, of which the first six treatises (part one) were of a poorer quality than the remaining eight treatises (part two):

Sergius translated this book into Syriac. His translation of the first six treatises was made when he was still weak and inefficient in translation. Further, he translated the remaining eight treatises after he had had [some] training and thus produced a better translation than that of the first [six] treatise, Salmawayh25 compelled me to amend the second part of this [book]: he had hopedthat this [method] would be easier and better than making another translation. He and I collected a part of treatise seven; he held the Syraic [copy]; I held the Greek; he read the Syraic to me, and wherever I encountered differences from the Greek, I told him, and he inserted the amendments. He found this [method] difficult, thus realizing that a new translation would have been quicker, better and more consistent, and asked me to translate these treatises, which I completed when we were at Raqqa, during the conquests of al-Maʾ mūn. He [Salmawayh] passed his copy on to Zankariyyā ibn ʿAbd Allah known by the name al-Tayfür,26 on his coming to Baghdad, to have it there transcribed. Fire broke out in the ship in which Zankariyyā traveled; the book was burned and the copy lost. A few years later, I translated the [same] book from the beginning for Bukhtīshūʿ ibn Jibrāʾ īl.27 I had several Greek copies of the last eight treatises. I collated them and authenticated one copy from which-to the best of my ability-I produced a well-investigated and eloquent translation. As to the first six treatises, I had only one manuscript; this was very defective, and accordingly I could not authenticate the text as I should have done. Later, I found a copy which I collate against the other and corrected whatever mistakes I could rectify, and would collate [the text] against a third copy, should I come across one. Greek copies of this book are few because it was not among the books which were read in the school of Alexandria. Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan translated this book from my Syriac versions [into Arbiac] for Muhammad ibn Musa. After he had completed his translation, he asked me to read through its last eight treatises and to correct any mistakes. I acquiesced to his [request] and did very well.28

A few example will suffice to show the extent of Hunayn’s involvement in translating Galen: the Index was translated into Syriac for Da ud, a practitioner, and into Arabic for Muhammad ibn Mūsā29On the Order of His Books into Arabic for Ahmad ibn Mūsā, but not into Syriac;30On Sects into Syriac when Hunayn was twenty years old, again (at Hubaysh’s request) when he was forty, and a few years later, into Arabic for Muhammad ibn Mūsā;31On the Art of Physic into oSyriac at the age of thirty for Dāʾūd, and later into Arabic for Muhammad ibn Mūsā;32On the Pulse, to Teuthras and To Glaucon, on Therapy into Syriac for Salmaywayh ibn Bunān, and later into Arabic for Muhammad ibn Mūsā;33On Anatomy of the Bones into Syriac for Yuhanna ibn Masawayh, into Arabic for Muhammad ibn Mūsā;34On Anatomy of the Muscles and On Anatomy of the Nerves into Syriac for Yūhannā ibn Māsawayh, but not into Arbic;35On Anatomy of the Veins and Arteries into Syriac for Yūhannā ibn Masawayh, and into Arabic for Muhammad ibn Mūsā;36 and On the Elements According to Hippocrates into Syriac for Bukhtīishūʿ ibn Jibrāʿ īl and into Arabic for Abu I-Hasan Ali ibn Yahyā al-Munajjim.37

Hunayn described Syriac translations from Greek by Yūsuf al-Khūri and Thiyūfīl al-Ruhāawī as poor and unrealiable.38 Al-Khūrī translated the first five treatises of On Materia Medica and Thiufil translated On the Method of the Preservation of Health.39 Hunayn mentions and unacceptable Syriac translation of On Ethics by a Sabaean, mansūr ibn Athānās.40 A translator from Greek and Syriac into Arabic, Ibrāhīm ibn al-Salt,41 is credited with three achievements: On Tumors (or On Swelling), into Arabic for Ahmad ibn Mūsā;42Galen’ Abstract of His book “On the Method of Healing,” into Syriac;43 and On Receipts for an Epileptic Youth, into Syriac and Arabic.44 Thabit ibn Qurra al-Harrānī (836-901),45 a younger contemporary of Hunayn, translated On the Good and the Bad [Kinds of] Humor and On His Own Opinion into Arabic.46 Hunayn believed that his contemporary Yahyā oibn al-Bitrīq47 might have translated To pison, on Theriac into Arabic.48 Ayyūb al-Ruhāwī49 (Job of Edessa), also known by the name al-Abrash (“Spotted”), translated some thirty works from Greek into Syriac. In view of their poor quality, his translations of Galen’ anatomical works either were carefully corrected or were altogether retranslated from Greek into Syriac by Hunayn; for example: On Anatomical Procedures,50 On All Dissension in Dissection,51 On Anatomoy of the Dead Animal,52, On Anatomoy of the Living Animal,53 On Hippocrates’ Knowledge of Anatomy,54 On Anatomyo of the Uterus,55, and On Anatomy of the Eye.56 The name ot two hitherto unknown translators appear in the Missive: Shamlī,57who translated On the Good and the Bad [Kinds on] Humor; and Ibn Shuhdī, from al-Karkh,58 a suburb of Baghdad, who produced poor Syriac versions of On Sects, On the Art of Physics, and On the Pulse, to Teuthras.

Ishāq ibn Hunayn. A prominent member of Hunayn’ school was his son Ishāq ibn Junayn (d. 910),59 who translated from Greek into Syriac and Arabic and also revised, against the original Greek translations by his colleagues, oparticularly of those works that had been rendered from Syriac into Arabic. For example, he revised the last section of ʿĪsa ibn Yahy’s translation (from Syriac into Arabic) of On Anecdotes of Prognosis60 against the Greek text.61 Likewise, he checked Hubaysh’s Arabic translation (from Hunayn’s Syriac version) of On Physical Exersive With the Small Ball.62 It should be noted, however, that Ishāq’ translations did not escape his father’ criticism. Hunayn revised and corrected Ishāq’ Arabic translation (for ʿAlī ibn Yahya) of On the Number of Syllogisms,63 a book that Hunayn had earlier translated from Greek into Syriac.64

That Ishāq was more interested in philosophy than in medicine is substantiated by the great number of philosophical works that he translated into Arabic or Syriac.65 They include That the Prime Mover is Immobile66 and treatises 12 to 15 inclusive of Galen’s On Demonstration,67 of which the original Greek text was partly lost during Hunayn’s lifetime.68 Galen’s books translated from Greek into Syriac by Ishāq for Bukhtīshūʿ ibn Jibraʾil are On the Order of His Books and On the Opinions of Erasistratus on Therapy.69Ishāq translated On the Method of the Preservation of Health into Arabic for ʿAlī ibn Yahyā, although it had previously been translated into Arabic by Hubaysh for Muhammad ibn Mūsā.70

Ishāq continued to work after his father’s death. Toward the end of his life, Hunayn was engaged in an Arabic translation of On the Parts of Medicine,71 of which he had earlier produced a Syriac version. He died after having completed more than half of the Arabic translation. After Hunayn’s death, Ishāq completed this unfinished work72 and also translated On the Organ of Smell (into Arabic) and On the Use of the Pulse.73 In addition to his fame as a translator-reviser, Ishāq is credited with a long medicophilosophical bibliography and an interesting book entitled History of Physicians.74

Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan al-Aʿsam . Next to Hunayn, the most prolific translator of medical texts from Syriac into Arabic was his nephew Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan al-Aʿsam.75 Nowhere in the Missive is his name mentioned in connection with Greek translations. That Hubaysh’s translations were not made from the Greek may be construed from Hunayns account of That the Faculties of the Soul Follow the Constitution of the Body,76 which he translated from Greek into Syriac for Salmawayh. Hunayn’s Syriac version was rendered into Arabic by Hubaysh for Muhammad ibn Mūsā, who, for the purpose of checking, had read Hubaysh’s Arabic translation while listening to Istafāan ibn Bāsīil’s Arabic rendering made directly from a Greek manuscript held in Istafan’s hands; Istafan suggested amendments that were inserted in Hubaysh’s translation.77 Hubaysh translated some thirty-five medical works from Syriac into Arabic. Further, he rendered three Arabic versions of Galen’s works into Syriac for Yūhannā ibn Māsawayh: On the Movement of the Chest and Lungs78 (from Istafān ibn Bāsīil’ss Arabic), On the Voice,79 and On Ethics80 (both from Hunayn’s Arabic). Hunayn writes that he did not translate any of these three books into Syriac.81

The question has arisen as to who translated Galen’s On Anatomical Procedures into Arabic. This work, in fifteen books, was translated into Syriac by Ayyūb al-Ruhāwī for Jibrāʾīl ibn Bukhtīshūʿ. A revised Syriac translation was made by Hunayn for Yūhannā ibn Māsawayh. In the Missive, Hunayn does not mention any Arabic translation by him or by any of his assistants.82 Ibn al-Nadim writes: “I examined an Arabic translation by Hubaysh,”83 and remarks that “to Hunayn’s good fortune, Arabic translations by Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan al-A’sam, byʿĪsā ibn Yahya, and others are attributed to Hunayn. Should we consult Hunayn’s Missive toʿAlī ibn Yahyā on Galen’s books, we would learn that Hunayn mostly translated into Syriac. He probably corrected, or read through, Arabic translations made by others.”84 M. Meyerhof gives an account of G. Bergsträsser’s conclusion that the style and grammar of the Arabic version of On Anatomical Procedures indicate that Hubaysh was its translator into Arabic.85 From numerous corrections in the text (all by Hunayn), Meyerhof believes that Hubaysh produced an Arabic version around the end of Hunayn’s life and with his active collaboration.86 The appearance of Hunayn’s name as translator in three Arabic manuscripts of this book may be due to scribal error.87 The fame of Hunayn probably would have overshadowed that of Hubaysh: their names in Arabic could be easily misread one for the other, especially if diacritical points are missing.88

Interpolations in Galen’s text, preceded by the words“Hunayn said” (qāl Hunayn), appear occasionally in Arabic manuscripts of On Anatomical Procedures,89 from which it may safely be concluded that Hunayn at least read the Arabic text. He probably wrote “marginal commentaries” (hawashi) that were later incorporated in the text,90 preserved by copyists as “marginal commentaries,”91 or, in a few instances, written in the text and then deleted.92

The following passage from Galen’s account of the eye (book X) deals with inaccurate terminology in the Greek manuscripts of On Anatomical Procedures. In his comment Hunayn includes a cross-reference to an ambiguous term that he had marked with a special sign in two places on the Arabic version:

[Galen’s text): As to my statement about the“surface” (sath) [that is. the tissue) drawn around the posterior aspect of the crystalline humor (al-rutūba al-shabīha biʾl-jatīd min khalfihā). the matter here is as I have said [before]. This “surface” does not enclose it completely and it does not possess any smoothness which as we have indicated, is found in the arachnoidal tunic (al-tabaqa al-shabīha bi-nasījal-ʿankabut) [anterior] to the pupil. The “surface” [tissue] of the vitreous humor (al-rutūba al-shabīha biʾl-zujāj) is not soft on either of its sides: neither on the side which faces the crystalline humor, nor on that which encounters the vitreous humor.93

Hunayn said: You should understand Galen’s statement here about the [word] “surface,” not according to the vocabulary of the geometricians (al-muhandisūn) — [implying] a length and breadth, yet without a depth —but according to the laity who usually call the visible part of a thing its “surface.” This is because a “surface,” according to the vocabulary of the geometricians, cannot be imagined as possessing two [lateral] sides; whereas, according to the laity, it is imagined with two sides, both of which being parts of the body. Accordingly, you find that when Galen used slightly more precisevocabulary, what he called here a “surface,” he had called a “body,” at the place (in the manuscript] where I have inserted the same sign which I have placed here.94

ʿĪsā ibn Yahyā . Another of Hunayn’s assistants was his pupil ’Isa ibn Yahyā95 who specialized in rendering Syriac texts into Arabic, That he did not know Greek may be surmised from Hunayn’s statement about On Bloodletting96—“I translated its second treatise [from Greek] into Syriac for ’Isa. and ’Isa rendered it into Arabic”97 —and from his account of On Antidotes98 — “This book, of which a Greek copy existed among my books, had not been previously translated. Later, with my help, Yūhannā ibn Bukhtīshūʿ translated it into Syriac, and ’Isa ibn Yahyā rendered it from his [Bukhtīshūʿ’s] translation into Arabic for Ahmad ibn Mūsā.”99 Medical and philosophical works translated by ʿĪsā include On the Differences Between Homogeneous Organs,100 On the Arteries: Does Blood Run Naturally Within Them or Does It Not?,101 On the Strength of Cathartic Drugs,102 On Anecdotes of Prognosis, On Bloodletting (in part), On Marasmus,103 On Antidotes, On Theriac to Pamphilianus,104 Commentary on the Hippo-cratic Oath,105 Commentary on the Book of “Humors,”106 That the Excellent Physician Is a Philosopher,107 On His Own Opinion, On Demonstration (in part). That Good People May Make Use of their Enemies108 and Thai the Prime Mover Is Immobile.

ʿĪsā translated into Arabic two of Hunayn’s Syriac abstracts of Galen’s books. On the Black Bile109 and On the Attenuating Regimen,110 and collaborated with Hunayn on an Arabic translation of Galen’s Commentary on Prognosis111 in which the text of Hippocrates was Hunayn’s responsibility, and Galen’s commentary was entrusted to ʿĪsā.112On His Own Opinion, Galen’s last written book, according to al-Rāzī,113 appeared in two Syriac and two Arabic translations. One Arabic version by ʿĪsā was twice revised, first by Ishāq and then by Hunayn himself. “This book,” Hunayn writes, “was translated by Job [of Edessa] into Syriac, and I [also] translated it into Syriac for my son Ishāq. Thabit ibn Qurra translated it into Arabic for Muhammad ibn Mūsā; ʿĪsā ibn Yahyā translated it into Arabic, Ishāq collated this [last] translation against the original [Greek text], and I corrected it for ’Abd Allah ibn Ishāq.”114

Istafān ibn Bāsīl . Perhaps this study of Hunayn and his school of translation should be concluded with a mention of Istafān ibn Bāsīl.115 the translator of Dioscorides’ Materia medica from Greek into Arabic, a book that was revised by Hunayn.116 Istafan, a translator and reviser, mastered Greek. Syriac, and Arabic. Among his translations from Greek into Arabic are On the Movement of the Chest and Lungs,117 On the Causes of Respiration.118 and On the Use of Respiration.119 Istafān translated the third treatise of On Bloodletting into Arabic from a Syriac version originally made from the Greek by Sergius.120On the Black Bile, which had been translated into Syriac by Job of Edessa for Bukhtīshūʿ ibn Jibrāʾil, was translated by Istafān into Arabic for Muhammad ibn Mūsā: and On Marasmus was also translated by Istafān into Arabic and was partly corrected by Hunayn.121

HUNAYN THE PHYSICIAN

A case of professional jealousy is reported in which al-Tayfüri,122 or more likely Bukhtīshūʿ ibn Jibrāʾil,123 conspired against Hunayn. Ibn Abi Usaybi’a asserts that Hunayn wrote a treatise entitled On Misfortune and Hardships Which Befell Him at the Hands of His Adversaries, Those Renowned hut Wicked Physicians of His Time,124 in which he complained of his relatives and most of the Christian physicians for whom he had made translations, and taught the art of physic. At times, when seriously ill, they consulted Hunayn for diagnosis, therapeutic recipes, and regimens. The “wicked physicians” were fifty-six selfish doctors who, at one time or another, were in the service of caliphs and exploited authority to rally support from the laity against Hunayn. Whenever Hunayn visited a patient, he was scoffed at and ridiculed by members of the medical profession, to such an extent that he had contemplated committing suicide. It was true, his adversaries argued, that he had translated medical books and was rewarded generously, yet he was not a physician—just as a blacksmith could forge a beautiful sword without himself being a swordsman.125

Of Hunayn’s medical books, at-Masāʾil fiʾl-tibb (“Questions on Medicine”)126 has been chosen for use in an assessment of his status as a physician and author, and to evaluate his impact on medical education.

Al-Masāʾil fiʾl-tibb is also known by the title al-Masāʾil fiʾl-tibb (“Introduction to Medicine”).127 Some of its manuscripts have a more detailed title: Masāʾil Hunayn ibn Ishāq fiʾl-tibb ilʾl-mutaʿallimīin maʿ ziyādāt Hubaysh tilmīdhih (“Hunayn ibn Ishāq’s’Questions on Medicine for Students,’ With Additions by His Pupil Hubaysh”).128 Halfway through the text in a Bodleian Library manuscript of this book (Marsh 403), a marginal note (hāshiya) by a copyist who transcribed the entire work reads: “From here until the end of the book are additions by Hubaysh al-A’sam, a pupil of Hunayn ibn Ishāq.”129 Hubaysh’s contribution begins with a section on the periods of disease (awqāat al-amrād), which include the onset (al-ibtidāʾ) increase (al-tazayyud), culmination (al-muntahā). and decline (al-inhitāt).

The coauthorship of Hunayn and Hubaysh was known to Ibn Abī Sādiq al-Nīsābūrī (d. after 1068),130 author of Sharh Masāʾil Hunayn ibn Ishāq (“Commentary on Hunayn ibn Ishāq’s’Questions’”),131 which was used in Syria as a medical textbook until the end of the thirteenth century. Manuscript Marsh 98 (Bodleian Library) has preserved a license (ijāza) written and signed by a famous physician and educator, Muwaffaq al-Dīn Yaʿqūb al-Sāmirī (d. 1282),132 which runs as follows: “This part [book I] of the large ’com-mentary on Hunayn’s Questions,’ by the learned and eminent physician philosopher Ibn Abī Sādiq, was read before me by a student, Amīn al-Dawla Tadrus, son of shaykh Nasr ibn Mallh. He read it in order to investigate its questions, and to understand and ascertain [its contents]. Written by Yaʿqūb al-Sāmirī, al-matatabbib.”133

Al-Nīsābūrī’s introduction confirms the popularity of Hunayn’s Questions on Medicine and elucidates its purpose:

Said Abuʾl-QāsimʿAbd al-Rahmān ibnʿAlī ibn Abī Sādiq al-Nisaburi… experts on the art of physic have agreed that students of this science should begin by learning Hunayn ibn Ishāq’s book, the “Questions,” which he wrote as an introduction to medicine for students. Accordingly, he excluded all that might be considered obscure, and wrote it in the form of questions and answers, so that every question might draw the attention of students to the purpose of each quest, which would be settled by providing an answer… .134 I say: In this book, Hunayn’s purpose was to compile summaries and commentaries of medicine, thus providing a course in its general rules and principles, it serves as a very useful introduction for beginners, who should become familiar with these [rules and principles] and should find it easy to understand more difficult and obscure matters which will arise later. Hunayn compiled material for this book on leaves in rough drafts; and during his lifetime he managed to re-write some final drafts. Later, Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan al-Aʿsam, his pupil and nephew, arranged the remaining leaves, and annexed his own additions to Hunayn’s notes written for this book. Hence, the book is found entitled “Hunayn’s Questions, with Hubaysh al-A’samʿs Additions.” Hunayn gave it the title “Questions on Medicine,” because it is a record of medical questions.135

The text of al-Nīsābūrī’s commentary is mamzīj (mixed), in that it provides passages from the Questions on Medicine preceded (in WMS. Or. 2) by the statement qāl Hunayn (Hunayn said), and continues with al-Nīsābūrī’s commentary identified with the words qāl al-mufassir (the commentator said). This mamzīj pattern continues throughout the text, the cue qāl Hunayn being replaced by qāl Hubaysh from the beginning of Hubaysh’s additions to the end of the book.136 Except in the author’s introductory note, MS 98 does not provide such a marked distinction between the contributions of Hunayn and Hubaysh; it merely gives al-fiss (extracts from the text), followed by al-tafsīr (commentary).

In his Kitāb al-nafiʿ fī kayfiyyat taʿlim sināʿat al-tibb (“Useful Book on the Method of Medical Education”), Abuʾl-HasanʿAlī ibn Ridwān al-Misri (d. 1061),137 an Egyptian contemporary of al-Nisaburi, disapproves of the Questions on Medicine. Nevertheless, he writes a similar opinion of its purpose in his time,138 says that Hunayn calls it at-Madkhal ilā sināʿat al-tibb (“Introduction to the Art of Physic”), and quotes from it.139

The Questions on Medicine is in the form of short questions, arising mostly from studies in Galen’s Art of Physic, and straightforward answers that draw heavily on the Summaria Alexandrino-rum. It was written as an introduction to the art of medicine— that is, the Galenic system of medicine including later commentaries and not merely, as is often claimed, an “Introduction to Art of Physic.140 The opening passage runs as follows:

Into how many parts is medicine divided? Into two parts. What are these two (parts]? Theory and practice. And into how many parts is theory divided? Into three parts. And what are these? Investigation of the naturals, whereby pathological knowledge due to their alteration may be discovered; investigation of causes (of disease]; and investigation of symptoms. How many are the naturals? Seven. And what are these? The elements, the temperaments, the humors, the organs, the faculties, the actions, and the spirits. How many are the elements? Four, What are these? Fire, air. water, and earth. What is the strength of fire? Hot and dry. What is the strength of air? Hot and moist. What is the strength of water? Cold and moist. What is the strength of earth? Cold and dry. How many types are the temperaments? Nine. What are these? Eight are immoderate, and one is moderate. And of the eight which are immoderate, four are simple: hot. cold, moist, and dry: and four are combined: hot-dry, hot-moist, cold-dry, and cold-moist. How many are the humors? Four. What are these? Blood, phlegm, bile, and black bile. What is the strength of blood? Hot and moist. What is the strength of bile? Hot and dry. What is the strength of black bile? Cold and dry. What is the strength of phlegm? Cold and moist.141

Some manuscripts of the Questions on Medicine have excluded the “questions” altogether and merely provide subject matter in the form of subdivided presentation (tashjīr), as indicated by the title Masāʾil Hunayn ibn lshāq ʿalā tarīq al-taqsīm waʾ l-tashjir (“Hunayn ibn Ishāq’s ’Questions,’ by Way of Subdivided Classification”).142

Probably through their fame as translators of Galen’s books, Hunayn and Hubaysh almost lost the Questions on Medicine to Galen. One manuscript (The British Library, London, Arundel Or. 10),143 has a misleading title just before its opening passage: Kitāb Īsāghūjī li-Jālīnūs tarjamat Hunayn ibn Ishāaq, yumtahanu bihi mutaʿallimū al-tibb (“Galen’s Book ʿĪsāgoge,’ Translated by Hunayn ibn Ishāq, for Examining Students of Medicine”). This particular manuscript begins with the words qāl Jālīnūs (Galen said); and the questions and answers on the first few lines are prefixed by the word qāl which also appears occasionally before some answers throughout the book.144 Its text, however, represents the Questions on Medicine.

In the Questions on Medicine, Hunayn divides medicine into theory and practice,145 and provides the classical definition of the three types of bodily condition: health, disease, and neutrality. Health is a condition of which the actions are natural; disease is a condition of which the actions are contranatural (against nature); and neutrality is a condition of nonhealth and nondisease, or a condition that is neither absolutely healthful nor absolutely unhealthful. Three examples of neutrality are cited: disability, such as blindness or lameness; marginal health of elderly people and convalescents, when the body is not entirely free from disease; and immoderate temperaments, when health and disease would be subject to seasonal changes and age. Each of the three conditions is related to the body, causes, and symptoms. Two genera of causes, natural and contranatural. are discussed in relation to health and disease; natural causes actively restore health in diseased bodies and preserve the health of people, whereas contranatural causes are either pathological, in that they bring about disease or prolong it, or are responsible for bringing about or promoting a neutral condition of nonhealth and nondisease.146

Six types of general causes, common to health and disease, are defined as the necessary causes (al-asbāb al-darūriyya): ambient air (al-hawāʾ al-muhīt biʾl-abdān), food and drink (mā yuʾkal wa yushrab), sleep and wakefulness (al-nawm waʾl-yaqaza), evacuation and congestion (al-istifrāgh waʾ-ihtiqān)147 movement and rest (al-haraka waʾl-sukūn), and perturbation of the mind (al-ahdāth al-nafsāniyya).148 These six causes are called necessary because, of necessity, they will affect health in one of two ways: when used in proper quantity and quality, time and order, they will restore health and preserve it; if abused in quantity or quality, time or order, they will restore health and preserve it; if abused in quantity or quality, time or order, they will induce disease and prolong it.149.

Origin of the Six Necessary Causes. The six necessary causes exist in three Arabic books of the Summaria Alexandrinorum,150 in the British Library (London) MS Add. 23407:151On Sects. On the Art of Physic; and To Glaucon, on Therapy.152 Hunayn translated To Glaucon into Arabic.153 These three books of the Summaria could have been among Hunayn’s sources of the six necessary causes, so clearly slated in Hunayn’s section of the Questions on Medicine. The following are translations of extracts from MS Add. 23407:

The Summaria Alexatuhinorum: Galen’s book On Sects Arāsīs.154

Commentary on Chapter Three; the causes which alter the body:

Some must, of necessity, alter the body, and these are six: first, air surrounding it; second, movement and rest; third, food and drink; fourth, sleep and wakefulness; fifth, evacuation and congestion;155 and sixth, perturbation of the mind, such as distress, anxiety, fright, joy, and anger.

Other [causes] may alter the body, but not of necessity, as for example a sword, an arrow, a stone, and fire.156

The Summaria Alexandrinorum: Galen’s small book On the Art of Physic, a summary and commentary.157

The causes which alter the body: some things alter the body of necessity, these are six genera; and some do not alter the body of necessity, such as harmful animals, stones, swords, and the like.

As to the six necessary causes, they are: air surrounding the body; a genus[including] things which are eaten and drunk; a genus, sleep and wakefulness; a genus, movement and rest of the whole of the body, or of some organs only; a genus, evacuation and constipation(ihtibās); and a genus, perturbation of the mind, which includes joy, sadness, distress, jealously, and fright. These six genera promote health, providing that they are properly preserved in quantity and quality in moderation; and cause disease if they become immoderate in quantity and quality, deviating to one of the extremes. In order to preserve the health of a person whose constitution and structure are good. these six genera must be kept moderate, I mean: moderation of air surrounding the body, moderation of food and drink, moderation of perturbation of the mind, moderation of a sleep and wakefulness, moderation of movement and rest, and moderation of evacuation of superfluities.158

The Summaria Alexandrinorum: the first treatise of Galen’s book To Glaucon.159

The necessary causes are: air which surrounds the body, food, and drink which are taken in, conditions of sleep and wakefulness, movement and rest, whether the body is evacuated or constipated, and perturbation of the mind.160

Origin of the Term Nonnatural. It is surprising that although the six necessary causes constitute normal-or natural-everyday activities, they became known as the six nonnaturals, an expression that is mentioned in medical literature from the Renaissance until the early nineteenth century.161 An attempt will be made here to show how the unusual expression “nonnaturals” superseded the meaningful term “necessary causes.”

The term “nonnatural” has been traced to the Greek text and Latin translation of Galen’s On the Pulse, to Teuthras, in a section on the “causes which alter the pulse”;162 and in Arabic the equivalent term, laysa bi-tabīʿiyy,appears in the same book, according to Hunayn’s short account of the same section on al-asbāb allatī tughayyir alnabd.163 Further, Galen’s six items that will of necessity alter the body have been located in his Art of Physic;164 these probably were developed by the Alexandrian teachers of the sixth to seventh century or by some of their hitherto unknown predecessors, into the six necessary causes, which were borrowed by Hunayn in the Questions on Medicine.

The term “nonnatural” is mentioned in Hubaysh’s section of the Questions on Medicine, where he outlines the scope of theory . Hunayn’s six necessary causes differ from Hubaysh’s nonnaturals in that, in Hubaysh’s account, bathering replaces evacuation marriage(or sexual intercourse)supersedes perturbation of the mind- the latter is mentioned merely as a possible additional item:

Some doctors divide theory of medicine as follows: they say that is divided into knowledge of the naturals(al-umūr al-tabīʿiyya), the nonnaturals(al-umūr allaū laysat bi-tabīʿiyya), and the contranaturals(al-umūr al-khārija ʿanʾ l-amr al-tabīʿiyya). To the seven naturals which we mentioned earlier, they have added another four consequential and continuous matters, which are: age, color, complexion, and differences between male and female sexes. How many are the nonnaturals? Six. What are these? First, ambient air; second, movement an drest; third, bathing(al-istihmām); fourth, food and drink: fifth, sleep and wakefulness; and sixth, marriage(al-nikāh), and to these six, some have added another matter, perturbation of the mind.165

In some manuscripts of the Questions on Medicine, a marginal note considers “bathing and sexual intercourse” as means of “evacution,”166 thus reducing the nonnaturals mentioned by Hubaysh 5to traditional necessary causes. Many Arabic works of Hunayn’s successors devote much space to the six necessary causes,167 on which monographs also have been written.168

Of particular interest is Lbn Hubal al-Baghdādī’s(d.1213) definition of the six necessary causes, in which he classifies them as “neither natural nor contranatural” “waʾl-nabdaʾ awwalā biʾl-asbāb al-ʿāmma allatīlaysat bi-tabīʿ iyya wa-lā khārija ʿanʾl-tabʿ, bal mushtaraka liʾl-sitta waʾl-marad waʾl-hāla al-mutawassita, wa hiya al-sitta al-darūriyya”169(“First, we begin with the general causes that are common to health, disease, and the intermediate condition between heaalth and disease—these are six necessary [causes]”).

On its own, the expression “laysat bi-tabīʿiyya” could be translated as “nonnatural”; but when it is used in a clause of negative conjunction, “laysa bi-tabīʿiyya wa-lā khārija ʿanʾltabʿ” the translation should be “neither natural nor contranalural.” The expression “nonnatural,” therefore, is an abbreviation of “neither natural nor contranaturai”: and the terms “natural” “contranatural” and “non-natural” are derived from the classical definitions of health: “a condition of the body the actions of which are ‘natural’” ; of disease: “a condition of the body the actions of which are ‘contranatural’”: and of neutrality: “a condition of ‘nonhealth and nondisease.’”

Unlike the Arabic equivalent of “necessary causes” that of the “nonnaturals” is neither completely meaningful nor linguistically eloquent and consequently was not generally used in medieval medical terminology. Further research should be pursued in t .reek and Latin sources, with a view to checking the validity of this assumption on the origin of the expression “nonnaturals” in Arabic literature.

Hunayn could not have produced accurate translations of Galen without careful studies of each text, thus learning much of the corpus, as is reflected in his own books. That he was consciously aware of minor details may be illustrated by his account of the seventeen books of Galen’s On the Compounding of Drungs.170 which Hunayn translated from Greek into Syriac for Yūhannā ibn Masawayh during the caliphate of al-Mutawakkil: Hubaysh later rendered it into Arabic from Hunayn Syriac version for Muhammad ibn Mūsā.171 Its first seven treatises are entitled On the Compounding of Drugs According tit Genera, known by the shorter transliterated title Qātājānis;172 the remaining ten treatises constitute On the Compounding of Drugs According to Affected Places, also entitled al-Mayāmir.173 Hunayn’s state ment that the seven treatises Qātājānis precede the ten treatises ul-Mayāmir in On the Compounding of Drugs is derived directly from Galen.174 This order is reversed in C G. Kühn’s edition: the De eompoCttione medivanwntonun secttndnm bcoi175 iai-Xliiyamir) comes first and the De vomposiiione medkamentorum per genera176 (Qāfājānis) is second, an order that should be rectified in any forthcoming edition.

Like many authors. Hunayn did not make an original contribution to medicine. Nevertheless, he succeeded in presenting simplified abstracts, mainly for students, from the books of his predecessors. His translations rendered Greek medicine accessible to Arabic-Speaking physicians and paved the way for medical education. They also preserved works that otherwise would have been totally lost.177

NOTES

1. Ibn al-Nadīm. Kitāb td-f Hunt. G. Flügel. ed., t (Leipzig. 1871). 294-295 (hereinafter Fihrist): Ibn Abī Usaybiʿa. Kitāb ʿUvfūn ui-tmhāʾ ft tubaqān al-atibbāā….A. Mülier, cd.. I (Cairo. 1882). 184-200 (hereinafter IAU); al-Qiftī Tiʾrīkh al-hukamā . . J. Upper, ed. (Leipzig, 1903). 171 - 177 (hereinafter Qifti): C. Brockelrnunn. Gtschicttte der arahiuhtn Limrmur. 1 (Leiden, 1943), 224 (hereinafter GAL), and supp.. I (Leiden, 1937). 366 (hereinafter 5); Ibn JuiJul Tabaqāt al-atibbāʾ… wa’l-htikumd’…, F. SayykLed. (Cairo, 1955). 68-72: F. Seg.n, (ieuhkh-le ties aralmchen Si hritttums, Medizin-Pitarmazie-Zoolome-TierlwilUtmh his430., H. III (Leiden, 1970). 247-256 (hereinafter GAS): M. UHmann. Die Medirin tm slant. Handbuch der Orientalistik. Abt. L supp. 6 I Leiden-Cologne. 1970), 115-119 hereinafter Ullmann).

2.Risālat Htmayn ibn Ishāq ilā ʿAli ibn yahyā fī dhikr mā turjima win kutuh Jālmus bi-ʿilmihi wa baād mā lam Mittirjitm. ed. with B trans, by o. Bergsträsser as “Hunain ibn Ishāq übcr die rischen und arabischen Galen-uhcrsetzungen.” in Ahhundiunen für die Kunde des Morgenlandts, 17 . no. 2 (1925). All references nc to the Arabic text in this work (hereinafter Hunavn).

3. M. Meycrhof. “New Light on Hunain ibn Ishāq and His Period” in Isis,, 8 , no 4 (1926). 585-724; an informative paper is by Lulfi M. Saʿdi. “A Biobibliographica Study of Hunayn ibn Is-haq al-lbadi (Johamutius. 809-877 A.D.L” in HulUtin of tin- Institute “the History dieme. 2 . no. 7 (1934). 409-446.

4. Hunayn (15, II. 17-20) wrote that he transcribed his re vised Syriac translation tit On the Typef It vers for his son bul did not mention the son’s name. Yāqūt al-Hamawī id. 1229) mentions AbuʾlʿAbbās Muhammad ibn al-llasan ibn Dīnār aihwal (“Cockeyed”), a great philologist, poet, author, and” copyist of Hunayn ibn Ishāq the practitioner’s translations of the sciences of the Ancients” (kān warrāqā yuwurriq li-Hunaya ibn lshāq al-mutatabbib fi manqūlātihi li-ʿulūm al-awāʾil). See Yāqūt al-Hamawī. the Irshād al-arīb ilā maʿrifat al-adīb… D. S. Margoliouth ed,. 2nd cd,. VI (London. 1931), 4S2. I!. 16-I7;4H3. I. l-Fihrist. I. 7. 79

5. IAU L 197. II. 12- 18: also ǀ, 187. II. 25-26.

6.Ibid.. I, 187. II. 8-9

7. See A Z, Isfcaadar, “An Attempted Reconstruction of the late Alexandrian Medical Curriculum.” in SftJital fin , 20 . no. 3 11976), 237. n I I (hereinafter “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum”). The Arabic titles of Galen’s books that appear in this paper are given in transliteration, to-gether with Latin translations and bibliographical references. Only those works thai do not appear in the “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum” will be dealt with hereafter.

8.Fihrist, l. 143:Qifij. 117.11. 19-20; 129.1 I: 132. L 2; IAU.L 205-206.

9. Hunayn. 1-2.

10. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 237. n. 13.

11.Ibid. 239. n. 44.

12. On the Summaries, see ibid.. 237. nn. 15. 16: Ofi the order of succession, ibid., 237- 239.

13. On the Method, see ibid, 239. n. 43: the quotation is from Hunayn. 18. 11. 14-15.

14. The Arabic transliteration askūt is from the Syriac skōlē derived from the Greek σϰoλή Sec ʾAbdurrahman Badawi. La transmissiondp la phttsophie retque au mtmde arahe Etudes de Philosophic Médiévule. no. 56 (Pans. 1968). 15. The quotation is from Hunayn. IK. Ii. 19-22.

15. On al-Rāzī, see GAL, I, 267; s,I, 417; GAS, III, 274-294; Ullmann, 128-136. On his Kitāb, see Fihrist, 300, II, 12-13; P. Kraus, Èpître de Bērūnī contenant le repertoire des ouvrages de Muhammad b. Aakariyya ar-Rāzī (Paris, 1936), 21. no. 175; J. Ruska, “Al-Bīrūnī als Quelle für das Leban und die Schriften al-Rāzī’s,” in Isis, 5 (1923), 48, no. 175.

16. Hunayn. 4, no. 3; 6, no. 6; 7, no 7; 9, no. 11.

17. Physician to the caliphs Hārūn al-Rashīd (786-809). al-Amīn (809-813), and al-Maʾmum (813- 833). Son of Bukhtīshū ibn Jūrjīs (d. 801), See Qiftī, 132; IAU, I, 127; GAS, III, 226; Ullmann. 109.

18. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 239, n. 40.

19. Hunayn, 15, II. 16-21.

20. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 238, n. 23.

21. Hunayn, 11, II, 2-10.

22. For example, see Hunayn’s account of On (Hunayn, 4-5, no. 3), and the section of this article by G.C. Anawati.

23. A study in the technique of translation and revision was published by ʿ A. Badawi in La transmission de le philosohie grecque… 15-34.

24. Qiftī, 175, II. 4-5; IAU, I, 109, II. 25-26; G. Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science, I (Baltimore, 1927). 423 (hereinafter Sarton); GAS, III, 177; Ullann. 100.

25. Salmawayh ibo Bunān, physician to Caliph al-Mu tasim (1833-842). See Fihrist, 296; Qifti, 207-208; IAU, I, 164-170; GAS, III, 227; Ullmann. 100.

26. Fihrist, I, 298; Qiftī,187-189; IAU, I, 157. See note 122.

27. Died in 870; physician to Caliph al-Mutawakkil (847-861). See Qifti, 102; IAU, I, 138; GAS, III, 243; Ullmann, 109.

28. Hunayn, 17. i. 15-18,I. 18.

29. Fīnds=Bīnaks=Fihrist Kutubih (Hunayn, 3,no. 1; GAS, III, 78. no. 1; Ullmann, 35, no. 1)=De libris propriis; Hunyan, 3,II. 23-24. See C.G. Kuhn, Claudii Galeniopera omnia, 20 vols 22 (Leipzig, 1821-1833) (hereinafter Kuhn), XIX, 8-48; H. Diels, Die Handschriften der antiken Ärzte… im Auftrage der Akademischen Kommission. I. Teil: Hippokrates und Galenos (Berlin, 1905), 109 (hereinafter Diels): English trans. of extracts in A.J. Brock, Greek Medicine, Being Extracts Illustralive of Medical Writers From Hippocrates to Galen (London-Toronto. 1929), 174-181.

30. Hunayn. 4, II. 7-9.

31. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 238, n. 17; Hunyan, 5, II. 1-9.

32. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 238, n. 18; Hunayn, 6, II. 2-6.

33. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 238, nn. 19, 20; Hunayn. 6, II. 14-19, and 7, II. 14-16.

34. “Alexandrain Medical Curriculum,” 238, n. 25; Hynayn, 8,II. 9-12. On Yūhannā ibn Māsawayh, also known as Mesue (d. 857). physician to the caliphs from al-Maʾ Mūn to al-Mutawakkil, see Fihrist,I, 295-296; Qifti, 380-391; LAU, I. 175-183; Sarton, I, 574; GAL, I, 266; GAS. III. 231-236; Ullmann, 112-115.

35. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 238, nn. 26. 27; Hunayn, 8, I. 22-9, 1. I, and 9,1.6.

36. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 238, n. 28; Hunayn. 9, II. 13-15.

37. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 238, n. 21; Huayn, 10, II. 4-7.

38. Hunayn, 30, II. 1-2, and 39, II. 7-8.

39. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 251, n. 117; Hunayn. 30, II. 1-2, and 39, Ii. 7-8.

40. The work is entitled Fiʾl-akhlāq (Hunayn, 49, no. 119; Ullmann, 63, no. 113; an “Abridgement of Galen’s Book ’On Ethics’” (Mukhtasar min Kitāb al-akhlāq li-Jālīnūs), possibly by Abū ʿUthmān saʿid ibn Yaʿqūb al-Dimsahqi, physician-translator and a contemporary of ʿAlī ibn ʿĪsā, was published with an itro. by p.Kraus, “Kitāb al-akhlāq Ji-Jālīnūs,” in Bulletin of the Faculty Arts of the University of Egypt, 5, no. I[1937], 1-51 [Arabic])=De moribus, lost in Greek. The name Mansūr ibn Athānās is found in Hunayn, 49, II. 6-9; IAU, I, 205, I. 17, Gives the name “Mansūr ibn Bānās,” who knew Syriac better than Arabic.

41. Qiftī, 39,I. 11; 98, I. 8; 130, I. 17; 131, I. 3; IAU, I. 205, I, 3.

42.Fiʾl-awrām =De Asnāf al-ghilaz al-khārij ʿan al-tabīaʿa(Hunayn 31, no. 57: GAS. III. 111. no. 47: Ullmann. 43. no, 28)= De tumoribus praeter naturam (Kühn. VII, 705-732; Diels, I, 83); Hunayn, 31,1.8.

43.Kitābuhu alladhī ikhtasar fīhi Kitābahu fi hīlat al-bur =lkhtisar hīlat al-bur2 =Mukhtasar hilar al-bur (Hunayn, 34, no. 70; GAS, III. 115. no. 56; Ullmann, 59. no. 96); Hunayn, 34, I. 18.

44.Fī sifāt li-sabiyy yasraʿ(Hunayn, 35. no. 73; GAS, III, 116, no. 59; Ullmann, 46, no. 43; F. Heller, “Ueber Pathologie und Therapie der Epilepsie im Altertum,” in Janus,16 [1911], 589-605; Augusto Botto-Nicca, “II ’De puero epileptico’ di Galeno,” in Rivista di Storia critica delle scienze mediche e naturali,21, no. 12[1930], 149-169; O. Temkin, “Galen’s Advive for an Epileptic Boy,” in Bulletin of the Institute of the History of Medicine2, nio. 3[1934], 179-1890=puero epileptico consilium(Kühn, XI, 357-378; Diels, I, 96); Hunayn, 35 II. 13-14.

45. Fihrist, I, 272; Qiftī, 115-122; IAU, I, 215-220; Sarton I, 599-600; GAS, III, 260-263; Ullmann, 123.

46. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 252, n. 123; fimaya ʿtaqiduhu raʿyā (Hunayn, 46, no. 113; Ullmann, 51, no. 64)=De propriis placitis(see note 113); Hunayn, 36. I. 8, and 47, II. 1-2.

47. Fihrist, I, 290, I. 28-291, I. 1; Qiftī, 131. II. 9-10; IAU, I, 205; Saton, I, 556-557; GAS, III, 225; Ullmann. 326.

48.Fiʾl-tiryāq ilā fisum=…ilā Bisum =… ila Qaysar (Hunayn,38, no. 83; GAS III. 121, no. 68; Ullmann. 49.no. 51; E, Coturri, De theriaca ad pisonem. Testo latino,traduzione italian ed introduzione, Biblioteca della “Rivista di storia delle Scienze Mediche e Naturali, no. 8 (Florence. 1959); Arabic ed. with a German trans. byLutz Richter-Bernburg, Eine arabische Version der pseudogalenischen Schrift “De theriace ad Pisonem” (Göttingen, 1969), a ph. D. diss, =De theriaca ad Pisonem (Kühn, XIV, 210-294; Diels,I,99); Hunayn, 39, II. 1-2.

49.Fihrsit,I, 244, I, 12; IAU, I, 170; Sarton, I, 574; GAS, III, 230-231; Ullmann,101.

50. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 246, n. 87.

51.al-ikhtilāf alladhī Kān bayn ashāb al-tashrīh =fīmā waqaʿrsquo;a minʾl-ikhtilāf fiʾl-lashrīh(Hunayn, 21, no. 24; GAS, III. 133. no. 132). This book. lost in Greek, is cited by Galen in On Anatomical Procedures. For example. see Arabic text of University of California. Los Angeles. MS. Ar. 90. pp. 11. II 13-14, and 300. I. 8. In his trans. from Greek, Charles Singer. in Galen; On Anatomical Procedures… (London, 1956), 9, and n. 34. writes that De dissentione anatomica cannot be identified. Margaret T. May gives references to De dissentione anatomica in Galen: On the Usefulness of the Parts of the Body “De usu partium”… I (Ithaca, N.Y., 1968). 307, and also gives Galen’ own references to De dissentione anatiomica in Galen: own refernces to De dissentione anatomica in the Greek text of De anatomicis administrationibus, I, 4, and VII, 11 (Kühn, II, 236, 625), and in De ordine libroum suorum(Kühn, XIX, 55).

52.Fī tashrīh al-hayawān al-mayyii=Fī tashrīh al-mawta (Hunayn, 21, no. 25; GAS, III, 100, no. 22; Ullmann, 53, no. 74)=De mortuorum dissectione(not extant).

53.Fī tashrīh al-hayawān al-hayy = Fī tashrīh al-ahya(Hunayn, 21, no. 26; GAS, III, 100, no. 23; Ullmann, 54, no. 75) =De vivorum dissectione(not extant).

54.Fīʿilm Buqrāt biʾl-tashrīh =Fī l-tashrīh ʿalā raʾ yi Bugrāt (Hunayn. 21, no. 27; GAS, III. 133, no. 133; Ullmann, 54, no. 76)= de Hippocratis anatomice (not extant). Singer, in Galen: On Anatomical Procedures…, 1, 238 (n. 5) mentions De Hippocratis et Erasistrati anatomice, in three books. According to Hunayn, Fī ilm Buqrat biʾ l-tashrīh, addressed to Boëthus, is in five books; and Fi ilm Arsistrātus fiʾl-tashrīh (“On Erasistratus’ Knowledge of Anatomy”), also addressed to Boëthus, is in three books. For references to Fi ʿilm Arsistrāatus fiʿl-tashrīh, see Hunayn, 22. no. 28; GAS, III, 101, no. 24; Ullmann 54, no. 77.

55.Fī tashrīh al-rahim (Hunayn, 22, no. 31; GAS, III, 101, no. 26; Charles M. Goss, “On the Anatomy of the Uterus,” in Anatomical Record, 144 , no. 2 [1962], 77-84; D. Nickel, Galen Über die Anatomie der Gebärmutter herausgegeben, Übersetzt und erlautert, Corpus Medicorum Graecorum, 5 , no. 2, pt. 1 [Berlin, 1971])= De uteri dissectione (Kühn, II, 887-908; Diels, I, 68).

56.Fī tashrīh al-ʿayn (Hunayn, 23, no. 35; GAS, III, 101, no. 27) is a pseudo-Galenic work. Hunayn thinks that it probably was written by Rufus of Ephesus or by another, less competent author.

57. Hunayn, 36, 1, 9; Fihrist, I, 244, 1, 10.

58. G. Bergsträsser (Hunaya, 4, 1, 20; 6, 11, 2, 14) gives the form Ibn Sahdā Ibn al-Nadīm (Fihrist, I, 244, 1, 14) gives Ibn shuhdi al-Karkhi. See also Sarton, I, 573.

59. Ishāq ibn Hunayn, a contemporary of al-Rāzī, is frequently quoted in al-Hāwī (see Ullmann’s citations, 119, n. 8). Fihrist. 1, 285 and 298; Qiftī, 80; IAU, I, 200-201, and 188, II, 23-28; GAS, III, 267-268; Ullmann, 119.

60.Fī nawādir taqdimat al-maʿrifa (Hunayn, 34, no. 69; GAS, III, 114, no. 55; Ullmann, 44, no. 34)= De praenotione ad Posthumum = De praegnotione ad Epigenum (Kühn, XIV, 599-673; Diels, I, 100). A criticle ed. of the Greek text, with an English trans, by Vivian Nutton, is scheduled for Corpus Medicorum Graecorum.

61. Hunayn, 34, II, 12-14.

62.Ibid., 39, II, 21-23; “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 252, n. 125.

63.Fī ʿadad al-maqāyīs = Fī ihsa al-qiyasat (Hunayn, 51, no. 127). A MS of this book, now lost, was seen by Abuʾl-Futūh Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn al-Sarī ibn al-Salāh (ca. 1090-1153). See N. Rescher, Galen and the Syllogism (Pittsburg, 1966), 76, II, 20-21 (Arabic text).

64. Hunayn, 51, II, 15-16.

65. For example, see Fihrist, I , 249, II, 1, 7, 12, 15; 250, 1, 1; 251, II, 3, 11-12, 26; 252, 1, 2; and M. C. Lyons, ed., An Arabic Translation of Themistius’ Commentary on Aristoteles “De anima,” which is Oriental Studies II (London, the text is a second trans. by Ishāq ibn Hunayn (tarjamat Ishāq ibn Hunayn al-thāniya). See pp. vii, 42, 88, 169, 214.

66.Fī annaʾl-muharrik al-awwal lā yataharrak (Hunayn, 51, no. 125), For some of Ishāq’s activities as translator of philosophical works, see Badawi, La transmission de la philosophie grecque…, 17, 79, 80, 85.

67.Fīʾl-burhān (Hunayn, 47, no. 115; GAS, III, 70, 72; Ulmann, 62, no. 112)= De demonstratione (lost in Greek; fragments are extant in al-Rāzī’s Kitāb al-Shukiik ʿalā Jālīnūs [“Dubitationes in Galenum”], in Baghdatli Vehbi, Istanbul. MS 1488, XXVI, fols, 231b-248b; Majlis Shūrā-yi Millī, Teheran, MS 3821, fols. 150b-185b; and Millī Malik, Teheran, MS 4554, XXIII; see GAS, III, 77; Ullmann, 67).

68. Hunayn, 47, 1, 12-48, 1, 8.

69.Ibid., 4, II, 7-9; Fī afkār Arsistrātus fi mudāwāt al-amrād (Hunayn, 36, no. 77; GAS, III, 136, no. 141)

70. Hunayn, 39, II, 10-11.

71.Fī ajzāʾ al-tibb (Hunayn, 31, no. 61; GAS, III, 112, no. 49; M. Lyons, Galen “On the :Parts of Medicine,” “On Cohesive Causes,” “On Regimen in Acute Disease in Accordance with the Theories of Hippocrates,” First Ed. of the Arabic Version With English Translation; the Latin Versions of “On the Parts of Medicine” Ed. by H. Schoene, and “On Cohesive Causes” Ed. by K. Kalbfleisch, Reedited by J. Kollesch, D. Nicket, and G. Strohmajer, Corpus Medicorum Graecorum, supp. Orientale, II [Berlin, 1969], 24-49, 113-129) = De partibus artis medicativae (Diels, I, 137).

72. Hunayn, 31, I, 20-32, 1, 3.

73. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculam,” 252, n. 126; Hunayn, 27, II, 11-12; “Alexandrian Medical Curriculam,” 252, n. 129; Hunayn, 25, II, 13-15.

74. IAU, I, 201, II, 26-32. The Arabic text of History, with an English trans., was published by F. Rosenthal, “Ishāq b. Hunayn’s Taʾrīkh al-atibbāʾ,” in Oriens, 7 (1954), 55-80.

75.Fihrist, I , 297; Qiftī, 177; IAU, I, 202; GAS, III, 265-266; Ullmann, 119.

76.Fī anna quwā al-nafs tābiʿa li-mizāj al-badan (Hunayn, 50, no. 123; GAS, III , 72, 11. 24-25; Ullmann, 39, no. 6; English trans. of extracts in Brock, Greek Medicine…, 231-244; H. H. Biesterfeldt, “Galens Traktat ’Dass die Krafte der Seele den Mischungen des Korpers folgen’ in arabischer Übersetzung,” in Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlands, 40 no. 4[1973]) = Quod animi mores corporis temperamenta sequantur (Kiihn, IV, 767-822; Diels, I, 72).

77. Hunayn, 50, 11, 9-12.

78. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 252, n. 130.

79.Fī l-sawt (Hunayn, 24, no. 38; GAS, III, 103, no. 30; Ullmann, 54, no. 79; A. Barduagni, “Galeno ascriptus liber ‘De voce et anhelitu,’” in Pagine di storia della medicina, 9 , no. 6 [1965], 39-51) = De voce et anhelitu (Diels, I, 147), pseudo-Galenic; the original work is lost. Hunayn (24, 11. 16-24) translated On the Voice into Arabic for Muhammad ibn Abd al-Malik al-Wazīr, who made some textual alterations. Muhammad ibn Mūsā read the copies of Hunayn and al-Wazīr and chose to transcribe Hunayn’s text.

80. Hunayn, 49, 11. 13-14.

81.Ibid., 23, 1. 22-24, 11. 16-24; 49, 11. 10-15.

82.Ibid., 20, 11. 6-8.

83.Fihrist, I , 290, 11. 4-5.

84.Ibid., I , 289, 11. 15-18.

85. G. Bergsträsser, Hunain ibn Ishak und sein Schule (Leiden, 1913), 15-24, 28, 48.

86. Meyerhof, “New Light on Hunain ibn Ishāq…,” 693, no. 21.

87. Bodleian Library, MS Marsh 158, II , fols. 406b, 1, 3; 423b, I, 17; 476a, 1. 23-476b, 1, 1;540b, 11, 19-20; The British Library. MS Add. 23406, fols. 2b, 1, 2; 75b, 11, 6-7; 94a, 11, 9-10; University of California, Los Angeles. MS Ar. 90, p. 161, 1, 20.

88. G. Bergsträsser, “Hunain ibn Ishāq Über die syrischen und arabischen…,” p. v; and A. Z. Iskansar, “Bibliographical Studies in Medical and Scientific Arabic Works: Galen’s Fi Amal al-tashrīh (“On Anatomical Procedures”), the Alexandrian Book Entitled Fi l-tashrīh ila l-muta ʿallimīn (“On Anatomy for Students”), and Rhazes’ al-Kafi fiʾ l-tibb (“The Sufficient Book on Medicine”),” in Oriens, 25-26 (1976), p. 134, nn. 5-8.

89. For example, see M. Simon, Sieben Bücher Anatomie des Galen, I (Leipzig, 1906), 50, 1, 7; 58, 1, 6; 63, 1, 1; 74, 1, 3; 109, 1, 12; 117, 1, 15; 118, 1, 12; 122, 1, 12; 131, 1, 10; 147, 11, 4, 11; 156, 1, 3; 187, 11, 9, 16; 203, 1, 8; 206, 1, 15; 304, 1, 4; 305, 1, 1; 306, 1, 5.

90. For example, see MS Marsh 158, II. fols. 502a, 11. 19-21; 564b, 11, 20-22; 566a, 1, 9; MS Add. 23406, fols. 103b, 1, 20-104a, 1, 2; 107a, 11, 9-14; MS Ar. 90. pp. 177, 11, 15-22; 187, 1, 21-188, 1, 3.

91. MS Ar. 90, pp. 398, margin; 400, margin.

92. MS Marsh 158, II , fols. 607b, 11, 8-10; 608b, 11, 17-18.

93. MS Marsh 158, II, fol. 562b, II. 15- 19; MS Add. 23406. fol. 167a. II. 10- 13; MS Ar. 90, pp. 298,1. 24-299,1. 3; Simon. Sieben Bücher….1,50.11. I-6: also see W. L. H. Duckworth, Galen:“On Anatomical Procedures,” the Later Books, M. C. Lyons and B. Towers, eds. (Cambridge. I962),41.

94. MS Add. 23406. fols. I67a. I. 13- 167b, I. 2 (Arabic text is partly corrupt); MS Ar. 90. p. 299, 11. 3-15; Simon. Siehen Bücher I, 50,1. 7-51,1. 4. According to MS Ar 90, the last few lines of this passage read: “wa dhālik fiʾl-mawdiʿ alladhī qad wadaʿ tu ʿalayhi hadhihiʾlʿalāmaii allatīuadaʿtuhā.” Hunayrfs com-mcni on Galen’s text does not appear in MS Marsh 158. II.or in Duckworth’s trans.

95. ʿĪsā ibn Yahyā ibn Ibrāhīm. Fihrtst I. 297; IAU. I. 203. 1.8; 204,1. 1; Sarton. I. 613.

96.Fīʾ-fasd (Humyn, 34. no. ll.GAS. 115, no. 57; Ullmann. 59. no. 97) =De venue secthne (Kühn. XIX. 519-528 Dicis, 1. 112).

97. Hunayn. 35, II. 3-4.

98. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 252, n. 121

99. Hunayn, 38.11. 10-13.

100.Fīʾiktaildfal-aʿdāʾ at-mutashābihat ai-ajzā (Hunayn, 23, no. 33; GAS. HI, 101. no. 25; Ullmann. 55, no. 80; Arabic text edited with a German trans, and indexes by G. Strohmaier, Galen Uher die Venchiedenheit der lumwhmeren Korperieile, in arahist her Übersetzun zutn erxtenmal hetnni:t aeben. uhersetzt ttnd erläutert.Corpus Medi-corum Graeeorum. Supp. Orientale. Ill (Berlin, 1970]) - Dv partium homoeomerium differentia.

101.Fīʾl- ūmif al-dawārib hal yajri fthāʾl-damm biʾ l-tabʿi am lā (Hunayn, 25, no. 43; GAS, HI. 104, no. 34; Ullmann. 41. no. 19) “An in arteriis naturu stmuuis coniineatto Kühn IV,703-736;Die!s.l.7l).

102.Fī otiwā ul-adwtya al-mushilu (Hunayn, 26, no. 44; GAS, III.105, no. 35) - De puruantium medicamentorum famhati (KQhn, XI. 323-342; Diels, I. 95).

103.Fī l-dhubūl (Hunayn. 35, no. 72; GAS, 111. 116. no. 58: Ullmann. 43, no. 27; T. C. Theoharides, “Galen: ’On Marasmus.” in Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Silences, 26, no. 4 (197 11, 369-390) - Be nmrasmt = De man ore (Kühn. VII. 666-704: Diels. I, K3).

104. fiʾ-dhubul(Hunayn,26,no.72:GAS,III,116,no.58:ullmann,43,no.27:T.C.Theoharides"Galen:On marasmus,in journal of the history of medicine and allied sciences,26 no,4[1971],369-390)=De marasmo=De marcore(Kuhn,VII,666-704;Diels,I,99).

105.Tafsīr Kuāh ʿ alul linqrāt (Hunayn. 40. no. 87: GAS, III. 123. no. 70; Ullmann, 62. no. 111). This book was trans lated into Syriac by Hunayn. who wrote a commentary on its difficult passages, and also was translated into Arabic by Hubavsh (Hunavn. 40. II. 2-4).

106.Tafsīr Kuāh alakhlal [li-Buqrāt(Hunayn, 42. no. 96; GAS. Ill, 123. no. 79; Ullmann, 62, no. 110) = In Hip-pocratb de lutmttribus libritm commemarii (Kühn, XVI, 1-488; Dids, I. 103).

107.Fī annaʾl-tabīh al-Jadil faylasftf (Hunayn, 44, no. 103; Ullmann. 38, no. 2: P, Bachmann. Galens AbJtandlnne-darÜber, dabs der vorziiliche Ar:t Philosoph sein tnnw Arahiseh unddeutsch hvrzÜsgegeben (Göttingen. 1965ǀ) Quod optimus medicus sit quoqae pbdosophus (Kühn. I. 53-63; Diets. I, 59).

108.Fī annaʾ l-akhyār minʾ l-nas qad yantajVun bi-a’dd’ihim (Kühn, 49, no. 121).

109.Fī l-mirnt al-uimdāʾ (Hunayn, 32, no. 64; GAS, III. 113, no. 52: Ullmann, 40. no. 10) - De atra bile (Kiihn. V, 104-I4K; Diels. 1.73).

110.Fīl-tadhīr uhnnluui (Munayn. 36. no. 75: GAS, III. 117. no. 61; Ullmann. 47. no. 47; W. Frieboes and F. W. Koberl. “Galens Schrift ‘Ucbcr die säflevcrdunnende Djat.’ Ucbersetzt und mit Einleitung und Sachregistei vcrsehen,” in Abhandhtnxen zur Gesehichte der Mediein. no,5119031)- uttenuante (Dids. I, 125).

111.Tafsīr kitāh taqdimai al-maʿrifu (Hunayn, 40. no. 91: GAS, III. 123, no. 74; Ullmann, 50. no. 59) - Hippmralis prgnosticum vomineniarii (Kühn. XVIIIB. I-317; Diels. I. 107).

112. Hunayn. 40.1. 23 - 41.1 2.

113. Mttlī Malik. Teheran, MS 4554, XXIII. p. ǀ2ǀ. I. 22: Baghdalli Vehbi, Istanbul, MS 1488. XXVI. fol. [232aǀ. II. 22-23. Sec notes 46 and 67.

114. Hunayn,46.l.23-47,l.3.

115.Fihrisl, 1,244,1. 10; IAU. 1.204; Sarton. 1.613.

116. C. E. Dubler and E. Terés. La“Matéria midica” de Diósciirides, tratisinision medieval y renin truism. II (Tetuán-Barcelona. 1952-1957), Arabic text: on the revisions by Hunayn. see pp 125. 236. 442.

117. Hunayn. 24. II. 1-2.

118. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum.” 252. no 127. Sec Hunayn. 24, II. 8-9.

119.Fīʾl-hāja iʾi-haja ilii’l-ianaffus = Fī manfa ʿ at al-tanaffui ; manfaʿal al-nafus (Hunayn. 25. no. 42; GAS, III. 104. no. 33; Ullmann, 41. no. 17) =Dc uiiliinic respirathnis = De usii respirationis (Kühn. IV. 470- 51 I; Diels. I. 70).

120. Hunayn. 35. II. 1-3.

121.ibid.. 32, II. 15-16:35.11.8-10.

122. Qiftī, 172,11.5-20; Ibn Juljyl, ahaqāl. . .,69-70:lAU. I. 190, II. 7- 23. See note 26.

123. IAU, I, 190.11. 25-30.

124.Fīmā asābahu minʾ l-mihan waʾt-sliudāʾid min aliadhīn nāsabūh al-ʿadāwata min ashrāri atibbāʾi zamārnih al-mash-hūrīn. IAU. I. 190. I. 31- 197, I. 12. presents long extracts from this lost work.

125.Ibid., I 190-192.

126.GAL, I, 224. nos. I.2;.V. l.367.nos, I, 2: GAS. III. 249. no. 1; Ullmann, 118. no. 5. For MSS see bibliography to this article.

127. IAU. I. 197.1. 24: and 202.11. 5-6; H. P.J. Kenaud. Lcs munuscrits aruhes de I’Fscurial, décrits d’uprès lenotes de . Berenbourx. II. no. 2 (Paris. 1941). 60, MS 853. I. fols. lb-64a. See also notes 138. 139. Brockelmann (GAL, I, 224, nos. !, 2) considersal-Madkhul fiʾ-tibb (Escorial MS 848. I Uk]) as a book different from al-Mas fi ʾI-(ihb. MS collation, however, has shown that these arc variant titles of the same book. Escorial MS S53. I. in defective. Its copyist missed a passage of about three lines (isqāt) that deals with the division of “theory of medicine,”as well as short passages in other places.

128. J. Uri, Bibliotheeae Bodleianae codicum matins riptontm orientatiam, I (Oxford. 1787), 140, no. 595 (MS Marsh 403, fols. Ia-62a; title appears in the closing passage of fol. 62a); A. Nicoll and E. B. Pusey,Bibliothecae Bodleianae…, II, I (Oxford. 1821-1835). I70-I71.no. 193 (MS Marsh 16, II. fols. 56b-I74b; title appears in the opening passage of fol. 56b).’

129. MS Marsh 403. fol. 39a

130. GAL, 1. 638: .S. I. 886.

131. Two MSS have been consulted: Bodleian Library, MS Marsh 98: and Wellcome Institute for the Historj of Medicine, WMS. Or. 2. See Uri,Bibliotheeae Bodleianae …. I. 141, no. 600; and A. / Iskandar. A Catalogue of Arable Manuscripts on Medicine and Science in the Wellcome Historical Medical Library(London, 1967). 179 (the first ten leaves of WMS. Or. 2 are badly damaged).

132.GAL I, 648;.S, I. 899; IAU. II. 272-273.

133. This license appears at the end of book I of al-Nīsāhūrī’s commentary, in MS Marsh 98. fol. 208a.

134. MS Marsh 98. fol. la. II. 3-10; WMS. Or. 2, fol. lb, II. 2- S

135. MS Marsh 98. fols. lb, I. 8-2a. I. 7.

136. WMS. Or. 2, fols. 148a-264a.

137.GAL I 637; 5,1, 886; Qiftī. 443-444; IAU. II, 99- 105; Ullmann, 158.

138. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum:” 239-240. In Ibn Ridwān’s Useful Book…. the “second chapter of treatise 11] is on errors and mistakes made by Hunayn in his works; these errors arc injurious to the art of medicine.” This chapter consists of Ibn Ridwan’s belligerent criticism of Hunayn’s Questions on Medicine. See Chester Beatty Library, Dublin. MS 4026, fols. 12b, 1. 11 - 16b, I. 12 (A. J. Arberry. The Chester Beatty Library, A Handlist of the Arabic Manuscripts. V (Dublin. 1962], 9).

139. Chester Beatty Library, MS 4026. fols. 17a. II. 1-2; 21a, I. 13; 22a. II. 8. 12-13.

140. Renaud. Les manuscrits arabes tie Escurial…,60.

141. Escorial Library, MS 853, fol. lb. II. 2-13; Bodleian Library. MS Marsh 403, fol. la. II. 3-18; and MS Marsh 16, II. fols. 56b. I. 4-57a, I. 12.

142. W. Ahlwardt. Die Handschriften-V erzeichnis.se tier königilchen Bibliothek tit Berlin, Verzrichmss der arahischen Uundschriften V (Berlin. 1893), 515 (MS 6258 - Spr.1885. fols. 1-18); A. G. Ellis and E. Edwards. A Descriptive List of the Arabic Manuscripts Acquired by the Trustees of the British Muséum Since 1X94 (London, 1912). 45(MS Or, 5862. III. fols. 67b-88a; the title of this book appears on fol. 67b as Masāil Hunayn ibn Ishāq ʿalā tarīf al-taqsīm waʾ l-tashjīr; H. Ritter and R. Walzer.“Arabisehe Übersetzungen griechischer Arzte in Stambuler Bihliolheken,” in Sitzunysbcrichte der Preussischcn Akadcmie der Wissenschafteiu phil.-hist. K.L 26 (1934). 827 (Aya Sofya. MS 3324). E. T. Withington. in Medical History From the Earliest Times (London. 1894; repr. London, 1964). 386-396. gives an English trans, of Hunayn’s Introduction to Medicine (Isagoge), under a general title —“The ’Galenic’ System of Medicine” — adding that it contains “an excellent account of the Galenic and mediaeval medical théories.” Withington does not specify the Latin source of his English trans. The Latin version used by Withington cannot have been made from the Arabic text of al-Masāʾil fiʾ-tibb: nevertheless, there are similarities and differences between Wellington’s English trans, and the Arabic text of Masāʾll Hunayn ibn Ishāq ʿaiā tarīq al-tuqsim iva’l-tashjlr (that is. al-Masāʾil fi’l-iihh, from which the questions have been eliminated). It would be interesting to make a comparative study of the Arabic text of this book and the Latin text of the Isagoge. Sec also O, Temkin. Galenism: Rise anil Decline of a Medical Philunanhy (Ithaca. N.Y. - London. 1973). 104- 107.

143.Catafoxus vodtcum mtuwscriptorum orienttdium qui in Mult-o Britannlco oaservantur, pars sccunda, codices arabicos amplectcns, II (London, 1846- 1-871), 456-457 (no. 986; MS Arundel Or. 10, 111.fob. 28a-55a. A phoio static copy of this MS is at Dār al-Kutub at-Misriyya (Cairo), MS Tibb 1103.

144. MS Arundel Or. 10, fols. 28b, II, 3-9; 29a, II. 1 -4; 33b, II. 5-6.

145. Escorial Library. MS 853. fol. lb, II. 2-3; Bodleian Library, MS Marsh 403, fol. la, II. 3-7; and MS Marsh 16. II. fol. 56b. II. 4-9. The division of medicine into theory and practice appears in the Summaria Akxandrinortwum a summary and commentary of Galen’s book On Sects. See British Library, MS 23407. fol. 2b. II. 2- 15.

146. Escorial Library. MS 853. fols. 5b. I 7-6b. I. 14; Bodleian Library. MS rsh 403, fols. 5a. L 9-6b. I. 3; MS Marsh 16. II. tols 64a. I. 6~66a, I. 14.

147. In Arabic MSS the word ihtiqān (congestion), not imtilālʾ (repletion), appears in the text-for example, in Escorial Librurv. MS 853. fol. 6a. I. 16; Bodleian Library. MS Marsh’403. fol. 6a. I. 6; and MS Marsh 16.1L fol. 65b, I. 9. The word ihtiqān also appears in books by later writers who quote the six necessary causes (see note; 167).

148. Escolial 1 ibrary. MS 853. fol. 6a. II. 14-16; Bodleian Library. MS 403. fol. 6a. II. 3-6; and MS Marsh 16. II. fol. 65b. II. 5-9.

149. Escorial 1 ibrary. MS 853. fols. 6a. 1. !6-6b. 1. 3; Bodleian

Library. MS 403. fol. 6a. 11. 7- 10; and MS Marsh 16. II. fol.65b.lt. 9-14.

150. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum.” 237-239. and nn. 15.16.

151.Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum orieniolium qui in Museo Britunnicu…, II. 629-630(no. 1356).

152. MS Add. 23407. fols. 2b. 1.2-20b. 1. 3; fols. 20b. I. 5-48a. I. 17; fols. 72b. I. 7-157a. I. 5.

153.Ibid., fol. 129b. II. 6-8 (at the beginning of treatise II).

154.Ibid., fol. 2b. II. 2 -3.

155. See note 147.

156. MS Add. 23407. fol. 6a. 1. 17 - 6b. 1.4.

157.Ibid., fol. 20b. II. 5 -6.

158.Ibid., fol. 42a. I. l6-42b.l. 12.

159.Ibid., fol. 72b. II. 7 -8.

160.Ibid., fol. 76b. II. 8- 11.

161. L. J. Rather. “The ‘Six Things Non-Natural’-: A Note on the Origin and Fate of a Doctrine and a Phrase.” in Clio medka,3 (1968). 337-347: S. Jarcho. “Galen’s Six Non-Naturals: A Bibliographic Note and Translation.” in Bulletin of the History of Medicine,44 (1970). 372-377; J. J. Bylebyl. “Galen on the Non-Natural Causes of Variation in the Pulse.” ibid.. 45 (1971).482-485; P. H. Niebyl, “The Non-Naturals.” ibid.. 486-492; and C. R. Burns. “The Nonnaturals: A Paradox in the Western Concept of Health,” in Journal of Medicine and Philosophy. I. no. 3 (1976). 202-211.

162. Bylebyl. “Galen on the Non-Natural Causes of Variation in the Pulse.” 483; Niebyl. “The Non-Naturals.” 486.

163. Hunayn, p. 6. II. 11-12.

164. Rather. “The ‘Six Things Non-Natural’…,” 339 (quoting Lemnius’ reference to Ars medka); and Jarcho. “Galen’s Six Non-Naturals….” 376 (a trans, from the Latin text of Ars medica. in Kihühn’s ed).

165. Escorial Library. MS 853. fols. 41b. I. I4-42a, I. 6: Bodleian Library. MS Marsh 403. Fol. 42a. II. 5- 13: and MS Marsh 16. II, fol. 131 a. I. 12-131b. I. II: British Library. MS Or. 5725. fol. 69a. I. IO-69b. I. 9. The same account appears, in a tabulated form, in British Library. MS Or. 5862. for, 80b (Masāʾil Hunayn ibn Ishāq ʿalā tarqīu al-taqsīm waʾ l-tashijīr: see note 142).

166. For example, see Bodleian Library. MS Marsh 403. fol 42a. II. 13-14; and MS Marsh 16. IL fol. 131b. I. 9 (this note is incorporated in the text of the two MSS. with a marginal word. Itdshiyu. appearing in MS Marsh 403). AI-Majūsī (d. late tenth century; HAL. 1. 273. and .V. L 423) also considers bathing, sexual intercourse, and micturition as means of evacuation. See Kāmil al-sinā a al-tibbiyya, Būlāq.ed.. I (Cairo. 1877). 153.11. 3-4.

167. Al-Rāzī, in one MS of al-Hāwī;, writes “qad intahayna ilā ākhir al-kalām fiʾ-asbāb al-sitta al-darūriyya al-mushtaraka liʾ l-sihha waʾl-marad” (“We have come to the end of the account of the six necessary causes that are common to health and disease”). See Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine. WMS. Or 123. fol. I8b. U. 8-9. Some of al-Razfs accounts of the six necessary causes are preserved in this defective MS (Iskandar, A Catalogue of Amine Manuscripts on Medicine and Science…,3-26, 104-105). The six necessary causes are also mentioned by al-Majusi in Kami al-sina’a….L 152 J. 30- 153, 1. 3; by Ibn STna (d. 1037; GAL, 1. 589; and S. I. 812) in al-Qānūn fīʾl-tibb. Būlāq. cd.. I (Cairo, 1877). 80. II. 23-25: by Ibn Hubal al-Baghdādī id. 1210; GAL I. 646, and S. I. 895) in al-Mukhtārāt fiʾI-tihh, I (Hydera-bad-Deccan, 1943). 105. II. 7- 10: and by Ibn al-Nafis A 1288; HAL. I, 649. and S. L 899) in Mūjiz al-qānūn (Lucknow, 1906). 9-12.

168. For example. Ibn Butlān of Baghdad (d. ca.1066) wrote Taqwīm al-sdiha biʾl-ashāb al-sitta allatī lābudda li-kulli insān yuʾthir dawām sihhalihi min taʿdīliha (“Tables lor the Preservation of Health, by Means of the Six Causes Which Must Inevitably Be Altered if a Person Wishes to Remain Healthy”). GAL, I, 636, no. I; S, L 885, no. 1; Ullmann. 157. See also M. Azeez Pasha, “Yusrul ilaj (a Persian Medical Manuscript Compiled in India by Hekeem Hida-etuliah. in 1731 A.D.),” in Bulletin of the Institute of History of Medicine, 3 , no. 3 (1973), 26- 131, 201 - 206; and Risula mushtamila ʿalā mukbtasarāt al-matālih at-tihhiyyu minʾl-sitta al-darūriyyu (“A Missive Comprising a Resume of Medical Requirements [Fulfilled] Through the Six Necessary [Causes]”), by Muhammad Muhsin [?]. in Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, WMS. Or. 114 (Iskandar, A Catalogue of Arabic Manuscripts on Medicine and Science . . ., 172).

169.al-Mukhtūrūt fīʾl-tibb. . .,1,105,11.8-9.

170.Fī tarkīb aladwiya (Hunayn, 36, no. 79; iAU. I, 98, II. 14- 19; CMS, III, 118, no. 64; Ullmann, 48, no. 50).

171. Hunayn, 37,11, 12-14.

172.Fī tarkīb nl-mawādīʿ alaʾl-jumali waʾt-ajtiās (Hunayn, 36. L 19-37. .6: IAU, I. 98.1. 16-17).

173.Fī tarkīb al-adnixa bi-hasab al-mawādiʿ al-ālima (Hunayn. 37,I.6 il;IAU.I,98,tl. 17-19).

174. “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 251, n. 118.

175. Kühn.XII. 378-1007; XIII, 1-361.

176.Ibid., XIII. 362-1058. This reversed order is preserved by Dicls (I. 97-98), Sezgin (GAS, III 118, no. 64). and Ullmann (48, no. 50).

177. For example, see notes 50 and 67; and “Alexandrian Medical Curriculum,” 243, n. 76.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. Original Works. Hunayn’s works are listed below in alphabetical order of book titles.

1.Fīʾl-aghdiya (“On Foods”), in Khuda Bakhsh, Patna Bankipore, MS 2, 1, fols. 1-109 (Maulavī ʿAzīmuʾd-Dīn Ahmad and E. Denison Ross, eds.. Catalogue of the Arabic and Persian Manuscripts in the Oriental Public Library at Bankipore, IV (Calcutta, 1910). 5-7: an Arabic ed., with a German trans., is in preparation by R. Degen.

2. Kitāb al-ʿashar maqālāt fiʾl-ʿayn al-ntansūb li-llunayn ibn Ishāq… (M. Meyerhof, The Book of the Ten Treatises an the Eye Ascribed to Hunain ibn Is-Hāy 1809-877 AD.)…[Cairo, 1928]).

3. Fī awjāʿ al-maʿlida wa-ʿilājihā (“On Disorders of the Stomach”) in Aya Sofya, Istanbul, MS 3555, fols. 149b- 156a (GAL, I, 225, no. 3); Escorial Library, MS 852, ML fols. 41a-68a (H. P. J. Renaud, Les manuscrhs arabes de Tescurial…, II. 2 IParis, 1941], 59-60); University of California, Los Angeles, MS Ar. 98, L pp. I -47.

4. Fīʾ-daghdagha (“On Titration”), in Aya Sofya, Istanbul, MS 3725, fols. 68a-72b (H. Ritter and R. Walzer. “Arabische Übersetzungen griechischer Arzte in Stambuler Bibliotheken,” in SitZMngsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. KL 26 [1934], 827); Majlis-i Shūrā-yi Milī, Teheran. MS 1551 (Abdol Hossein Haeri, Fihrist-i Ki-tāhkhāna-i Majlis-i Shūrā-yi Milī, IV (Teheran, 1956), 252-254).

5. Fi hifz: al-asnān wa-istislāhihā (“On Hygiene of the Teeth, and Dental Repair”) — Qanl fī hif: al-asnān waīl-litha wa-isttslāhihā (“Statements on Hygiene of the Teeth and Gums, and Dental Repair”), in Zāhiriyya Library, Damascus, MS 4516 (S. al-Munājjed, “Masadir jadīda ʿan tārīkh al-tibb ʿind al-ʿarab,” in Majallat Ma’had al-Makhtutdt aL’Arahiyya, 5. no. 2 [1959], 294, no. 300); Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Hum 461, fols. 52b-63a (R. Degen, “Eine weitere Handschrift von Hunain ibn Ishāqs Schrift liber die Zahnheilkunde,” in Annali delllstituto orientate di Napoli. n.s. 26 [1976], 236-243; J. Uri, Bibliothecae Boilleianae codicum manuscriptomm orientalium, I [Oxford. 1787], 140, no. 598).

6. Jawāmiʿ arbaʿat ʿashor muqāla nun kitāb Jālīnūs fī hīlat al-burʾ (“Summary and Commentary of Fourteen Treatises of Galen’s Book On the Method of Healing”), in Chester Beatty Library. Dublin, MS 4001. II, fols. 9b-14 (A. J. Arberry, The Chester Beany Library. A Handlist of the Arabic Manuscripts. V [Dublin. I962J, 1).

7. Jawāmiʿ maʿānī al-khatns al-maqālāt al-ūlā min Kitāb Jālīnūs fī quwā ul-udwiya al-mufrada mansūqa ʿaid tarīq al-masʾala waʾl-jawāb (“Summary and Commentary of the First Five Treatises of Galen’s Book on ‘Materia Medica,’ Presented in the Form of Questions and Answers”), in Nūr ʿUthmāniyya Library, Istanbul, MS 3555, fols. I-217a (Ritter and Walzer, “Arabische Übersetzungen griechischer Ärzte in Stambuler Biblio-theken, “828).

8. Kitāb al-karma (“A Book on the Grapevine”) = Qanl Hunayn ibn Ishāq fīmā dhakarahu Jālīnūs fʾl-juzʾ al-rābiʾ min al-maqāla al-thāniya min kitābihi fī quwā al-adwiya wuʾl-aghdhiya ʿalā tarīq al-nutsʾala waʾl jawāb (“Hunayn ibn Ishāq’s Statement on What Galen Had Mentioned in the Fourth Part of Treatise Two of His Book “On the Virtues of Drugs and Foods,’ in the Form of Questions and Answers”), in Aya Sofya, MS 3703, fols. 155a-202a (Ritter and Walzer. “Arabische Übersetzungen griechischer Arzte in Stambuler Bibliotheken,” 828).

9. Fīʾ-lahan (“On Milk”) Fī maʿrif at quwwat al-laban (“On Estimating the Virtues of Milk”), in Āsafiyya Library, Hyderabad, MS 360 (ʿAbbās… al-Kantūiī, Fihrist-i kutuh-i ʿarabī wa fārsī WQ urdu makhzūna Kutubkhāna-i Āsajiyya-i Sarkār-i ʿAlī. II (Hyderabad, 1914- 1915). tibb yūnānī 936).

10.Risālat Hunayn ibn Ishāq ilā ʿAlī ibn Yahyā… (see note 2),

11 Kitāb al-Masāʾil fiʾl-ʿAyn (P. Sbath, “Le livre des questions sur Poeil de Hunaïn ibn Ishāq.” in Mémoires présentés à I’lnstitut dlyypte. 36 (1938). Bulletin de I’lnstitut d’Egypte, 17 (1934-1935). 129-138; P. Sbath and M. Meyerhof. “Le livre des questions sur Poeil de Hunaïn ibn Ishāq,” in Mémoires presenies a I’lnstitut d’Fitypte,36 (1938).

12. al-Masāʾil fiʾ-tibb (“Questions on Medicine”) — Masdʾil Hunayn ibn Ishāq fiʾ-tibb liʾl-tnuta allimin maʿ :ziyādāt Huhaysh tilmīdhih (“Hunayn ibn Ishāq’s ’Questions on Medicine for Students With Additions by His Pupil Hubaysh”) al-Madkhal fiʿl-tibb(“Introduction to Medicine”) — al-Madkhal ilā sināʿat al-tibb (“Introduction to the Art of Physic”), in Ahmadiyya Library, Tunis, MS 5437 (S. al-Munajjed “Masādir jadīa…,” 294, no. 303); Bodleian Library, MS Marsh 403, fols. la-62a (J. Uri, Bibliothecae Bodleianae codicum manuscriptorum orientalium, I, 140, no. 595); MS Marsh 16, II, fols. 56b-174b (A. Nicoll and E.B. Pusey, Bibliothecae Bodleianae…,II, 1, 1821-1835, 170-171, no. 195); British Library, MS or. 5725, fols. 2a-100b, incomplete at both beginning and end (A.G. Ellis and E. Edwards, A Descriptive List of the Arabic Manuscripts Acquired by the Trustees of the British Muséum…, [London, 1912], 45); Dār al-Kutub al-Misriyya, MS Talʿat 511 (Munajjed, “Masādir jadīda….” 294, no. 303); Escoial Library, MS 653, I, fols, Ib-64a (Renaud, Les manuscrits arabes de l’Escurial…, 60-61); Forschungsbibliothek, Gotha, MS 2023, I, fols. I-55; MS 2028, fols. 1-79; MS 2036, III, fols 186a ff., incomplete (W. Pertsch, Die arabischen Handschriften der herzoglichen Bibliothek zu Gotha, IV [Gotha, 1883], 54-55,73); al-Gharawiyya Library, Nejef, Iraq, MS 19 (H. ʿA. Mahfūz., “Fihris al-Khizāna al-Gharawiyya bi ʾl-Najaf fī Mash-hadi Amīr al-Muʾminīn al-Imām ʿAlī ibn Abī Tālib ʿalayhi al-salām,” in Majallat Maʿhad al-Makhtūtāt al-ʿArabiyya, [1959], 25); Manisa Kitapsaray. Istanbul, MS 1779, I, fols. lb-54a (A. Dietrich, “Medicialia Arabica. Studien Über arabische medizinische Handschriften in turkischen und syrischen Bibliotheken,” in Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Göttingen, Phil.-hist. Kl., 3rd ser., no.66 [1966,] 39); Saray Ahmad III, Istanbul, MS 2131, I, fols. 1b-178b (ibid., 41-42); al-Mārūniyya Library, Aleppo, MS 568 (S. Kataye, Les bibliothàques publiques d’Alep [Aleppo, 1976] 355-358); University of Leeds, MS Arab. 265 (J. Macdonald, “Catalogue of Oriental Manuscripts, the University of Leeds. Department of Semitic Languages and Literatures,” VI [1962, type script]. 16).

13. Masāʾ il Hunayn ʿalā tarīq al-taqsim waʾl-tashjīr (“Hunayn’s Questions, by Way of Subdivided Classification’”). The MSS in which this title appears represent the Questions on Medicine, from which the questions have been omitted; the answers appear in tabulated forms in Aya Sofya, MS 3324 (Ritter and Walzer, “Arabische Übersetzungen griechischer Ärzte in Stambuler Biblio-theken,” 827). see note 142; British Library, MS Or. 5862, III. fols. 67b-88a (Ellis and Edwards, A Descriptive List of the Arabic Manuscripts Acquired by the Trustees of the British Muséum…,45); Deutsche Staatsbibliothe, Berlin, MS 6258=Sqr. 1885, fols. 1-18 (W. Ahlwardt, Die Handschriften-Verzeichnisse der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin…, V [Berlin, 1893]515).

14. Fī tadbīr al-nāqih (“On Treatment of Convalescents” = Maqālat Hunayn ibn Ishāq li-Abī Jaʿfar Muhammad ibn Mūsā Jamaʿa fihā mā qālahu Jālīnūs fī tadbīr al-nāqih fī jamīʿi kutubihi allatī dhakar fihā hādha al-bāb (“Hunayn ibn Ishāq’s Treatise Addressed to Abū Jaʿfar Muhammad ibn Mūsā, in Which Hunayn Collected From All of Galen’ Books the Opinions of Galen on Treatment of Convalescents”)= Majmūʿ min aquāl Jālīnūs wa-Abuqrāt fi tadbīr al-nāqih wa-man shābahah minʾl-mahzūlīn (“A Collection of Statements by Galen and Hippocrates on the Treatment of Convalescents and Similar Emaciated Patients”), in Aya Sofya, MS 3590. fols, 137b-163b (Ritter and Walzer, “Arabische Übersetzungen griechischer Arzte in Stambuler Bibliotheken,” 828); University Library, Cambridge, MS Or, 1022 (A.J. Arberry, A Second Supplementary Hand-List of the Muhammadan Manuscripts in the University and Colleges of Cambridge (Cambridge, 1952), 6, no. 30).

II. Secondary Literature. The following works are listed chronologically: J. Freind, The History of Physick…,II (London, 1726), 17-19; L. Leclerc, Histoire de la médecine arabe…, I (Paris, 1876; repr. New York, 1971). 139-152; C. Prufer and M. Meyerhof, “Die aristotelische Lehre vom Licht bei Hunain b. Ishāq,” in Der Islam,2 (1911), 117-128; “Die Augenanatomie des Hunain b. Ishāq,” in Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin4 (1911), 163-190; and “Die Lehre vom Sehen bei Hunain b. Ishāq,” ibid.,6 (1913), 21-33; al-Yāfiʿī Mirʾāt al-janan…, II (Hyderabad, 1918-1919), 172; E.G. Browne, Arabian Medicine (Cambridge, 1921: repr. Cambridge, 1962), 24-26; G. Gabrieli, “Hunayn ibn Ishāq,” in Isis,6 (1924), 282-292; D. Campbell, Arabian Medicine and Its Influence on the Middle Ages I (London, 1926), 61-63; Encyclopaedia of Islam, II (Leiden-London, 1927), 336, also new ed., III (Leiden London, 1971), 578-581; Y. A. Sarkis, Muʿjam almatbūʿāt al-ʿarabiyya… (Cairo, 1928), 801-802; M. Meyerhof, “Science and Medicine,” in Thomas Arnold and Alfred Guillaume, eds., The Legacy of Islam (Oxford, 1931), 316-320; Hājjī Khalīfa, Kashf al-zunūn…,II (Istanbul, 1943; repr. Teheran, 1967), 1668; Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-aʿyān…,I (Cairo 1948), 528-529; A. A. Khairallah, Outline of Arabic Contributions to Medicine and the Allied Sciences (Beirut, 1946), 44-48; I. al-Baghdādī, Hadiyyat alʿārifīn… I (Istanbul, 1951), 339-340; and C. Elgood, A Medical History of Persia and the Eastern Caliphate…, (Cambridge, 1951), 104-113.

See also kh. al-Ziriklī, al-Aʿlām…, 2nd ed., II (Cairo, 1954), 325; ’U.R. Kahhala, Muʿjam al-muʾ allifin…, IV (Damascus, 1957), 87-88; M. Tayyab, “Al-ashr-ul-maqalat fil ayn. The First Compilation on Ophthalmology in the World,” in Hamdard Medical Digest,2, no. 8 (1958), 1-9; S. K. Kamarneh, “Bibliography on Medicine and Pharmacy in Medieval Islam. Mit einer Einfuhrung Arabismus in der Geschichte der Pharmazie von Rudolf Schmitz,” in Veröffentlichungen der Internationalen Gesellschaft für Geschichte der Pharmazie, n.s. 25 (1964). 60-61; Index of Manuscripts on Medicine, Pharmacy, and Allied Sciences in the Zāhiriyah Library (Damascus, 1969), 63-76, 227; and Catalogue of Arabic Manuscripts on Medicine and Pharmacy at the British Library (Cairo, 1975), 35-40; F. Rosenthal, Das Fortleben der Antike im Islam (Zurich, 1965), 20-23, 36-38: and The Classical Heritage in Islam, translated from the German by E. and J. Marmorstein (Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1975), 7-8. 19-20; G.C.Anawati, “Science,” in The Cambridge History of Islam, II (Cambridge, 1970), 768-769; R.Y.Ebied, Bibliography of Mediaeval Arabic and Jewish Medicine and Allied Sciences (London, 1971), 81;S.H.Nasr, An Annotated Bibliogrephy of Islamic Science…, I (Teheran, 1975), 227-229; and “Hunaynibn Ishāq. Colleation d’articles publiée à l’occasion du onzième cenenaire de as mort,” in Arabica,21, no. 3 (1975), 229-330.

Albert Z. Iskandar

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Hunayn the Translator

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