Rape
Rape
Defining the concept of rape is as complex as defining the crime itself. There are legal, clinical, moral, and political definitions of rape and sexual assault, and each jurisdiction varies in its classification of the offense. Although the law may be local, the incidence of rape is universal. Rape affects every socioeconomic and racial group and is not limited to assaults on women; men are victims too. Much research has been conducted to develop profiles of both the victims and the perpetrators of rape, but because of the complexities of the crime, those profiles provide only limited insight. With increased attention to rape prosecution and victim services in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, standardized procedures for evidence gathering, victim examination, and postrape victim assistance have been developed in most jurisdictions. Though states and localities have revised investigative measures and more services are available for victims of rape, there are still legal and cultural obstacles to the prosecution of rape crimes.
DEFINING RAPE
The researchers John O. Savino and Brent E. Turvey (2005) identify four categories of rape: legal, clinical, moral, and political. These broad divisions allow the inclusion of differing perspectives on how the American culture addresses this crime. The legal definition of rape is specific to each jurisdiction and is based on the local penal code, with the assistance of the courts. Broadly, rape is a criminal offense in which a victim is coerced into and forced to perform sexual activities; this can include vaginal or anal penetration and oral copulation.
The CCM Definitions
In an effort to standardize definitions the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) developed the Crime Classification Manual (CCM), in which the classifications of rape are based on the primary intent of the offender and the status of the victim (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001b). Rape and sexual assault are divided into three categories in the CCM: adults, adolescents, and children. Adults are eighteen years of age and older and are capable of consent under the laws defining sexual activity, although exceptions may be made for persons with mental impairment or physical damage to the brain (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001b). Adolescents are between the ages of thirteen and seventeen, and their ability to consent varies by jurisdiction (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001b). Children are defined as individuals twelve years old and younger who in all jurisdictions are considered minors incapable of giving consent (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001b). The CCM includes eleven categories of rape and sexual assault, many with subcategories. These divisions illustrate the variety of rape crimes as well as the potential difficulty in prosecuting them.
Criminal enterprise rape is defined as coercion, abuse, or assault that is committed for material gain (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001b). Felony rape is rape committed during the perpetration of a felony, and this crime is defined on the basis of whether the rape was primary or secondary. When the offender does not intend to rape the victim as the primary criminal act but another felony is the intention (e.g., robbery or breaking and entering), the rape that occurs is primary felony rape. Secondary felony rape occurs when rape is the primary intent of the offender, with a secondary felony also planned.
The third CCM category is personal cause rape and sexual assault. These crimes committed for personal causes are acts stemming from personal/psychological internal aggression, with the desired outcome being the sexual victimization of a known or unknown individual. Personal or emotional conflicts underpin the offender's behavior (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001b). Domestic sexual assault is one of nine subcategories within personal cause rape and sexual assault and is defined as rape or sexual assault committed against a spouse, partner, or family member.
Entitlement rape, which includes social acquaintance, subordinate, power-assurance, and exploitative rape, is another subcategory under personal cause rape and sexual assault. Entitlement rape occurs when the offender forces the victim to perform sexual activities as a result of various psychological motivations. The key factor in defining entitlement, anger, and sadistic rape is the amount of aggression exhibited by the offender (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001b). A number of acts can contribute to the classification of the degree of aggression displayed, including injuries greater than minor cuts, force exceeding that needed to attain the victim's compliance, specific acts during the crime (e.g., burning, mutilation, stabbing, choking), and desire or attempts to humiliate the victim (language used, use of feces or urine, forcing a male to observe or evidence of forced fellatio after sodomy) (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001b).
Within the subcategory of entitlement rape is social acquaintance, or "date," rape, which is defined as rape that occurs between an offender and a victim with prior knowledge of or a relationship with each other. This crime often occurs on a date or can occur between a teacher and a student or an athlete and a coach, for example. Subordinate rape is defined by the relationship between the offender and the victim and is a crime involving subordination or an imbalance of power. The offender, who has power over the victim that is based on employment, education, or age, exploits that positional imbalance to take advantage of the victim. Power-reassurance rape is a sudden assault, often against an unknown victim, with little injury caused to the victim. Exploitative rape, or opportunistic rape, is an offense committed with little aggression but with great indifference toward the victim (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001b).
Anger rape, another subcategory within personal cause rape and sexual assault, is defined by the primary motive of the offender: anger. This type of crime is driven primarily by impulse, and a high degree of aggression is displayed (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001b). Within the category of anger rape, four subcategories are identified: gender, age, racial, and global. Gender rape is a crime committed by offenders who hate women and express their rage through rape. Anger rape with an age focus is a crime committed against a victim on the basis of the victim's age, typically involving a child or an elderly individual. Racial anger rape is rape motivated primarily by racial hatred. Global anger rape is committed by an offender who is angry at the world generally and displays a high level of aggression.
Sadistic rape is another subcategory of personal cause rape and sexual assault. The offender employs a level of violence that clearly exceeds that which is necessary to gain the victim's compliance. This level of aggression can cause injuries and even death to the victim. The victim's pain triggers the offender's sexual arousal. Abduction rape is also a category of personal cause rape and sexual assault. Abduction by a stranger occurs when an individual is transported in a vehicle, within a building, or farther than twenty feet for the purpose of the commission of a crime, in this case rape (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001b).
Group cause rape and sexual assault constitutes another classification of rape within the CCM. This type of rape is committed by three or more offenders, whereas two offenders involved in the crime would be categorized under personal cause, and the motivation of the offenders typically varies. Included within group cause rape are formal and informal gang rape and sexual assault. Formal gang rape and sexual assault are committed by a group of three or more offenders who display a sense of cohesiveness and belong to a group that has some internal organizational structure and a name (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001b). Informal gang rape and sexual assault, in contrast, are committed by three or more offenders who do not have an internal organization structure and are loosely organized, and this type of rape and sexual assault often occurs on the spur of the moment (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001b).
Finally, the CCM identifies rape and/or sexual assault not classified elsewhere. This crime may exhibit characteristics of some of the categories listed above but does not fall easily into any one of those divisions.
The Clinical Definition
These legal definitions differ from a clinical definition of rape in a number of ways; most important, the clinical definition approaches rape from a treatment-oriented perspective. Savino and Turvey (2005) note that clinicians define rape in treatment-oriented terms to gain a better understanding of the offender's pathology or to help the victim overcome the trauma of rape. This definition also focuses on the perceptions of the victim rather than the offender's intent (Savino and Turvey 2005). In clinical terms, rape or sexual assault is a form of sexual aggression that is not motivated by sexual desire.
Political Definitions
Political definitions of rape stem from a particular political position or agenda and are advanced by specific groups such as offender or victim advocates, political parties, political movements, and religious institutions. These definitions often represent self-serving objectives that are based on a group's political position. Moral definitions of rape and sexual assault can be perceived as a particular type of political position. These various categorizations emphasize judgments (e.g., good, bad, right, or wrong) of the offender's actions and can be inflammatory. They can reflect anger or a need for retribution or revenge, and moral perspectives on rape and sexual assault often come from victims, advocates, or the media (Savino and Turvey 2005).
Myths about Offenders and Victims
Undergirding these definitions of rape and sexual assault are numerous myths about the offender and the victim. A few of the prominent myths about rape offenders are the myth of the stranger, the myth of the loner, and the myth of uncontrollable arousal. The myth of the stranger remains a pervasive idea about the type of individual who perpetrates the crime of rape. This belief can be dangerous because it suggests that one is safe at home, in a car, or with people one knows. The stranger myth is refuted by rape statistics. According to the National Violence against Women Survey, only 14.1 percent of rape victims are attacked by strangers, whereas 76 percent of rapes and sexual assaults are committed by intimate partners. The statistics change somewhat when the victims are adolescents. The National Survey of Adolescents notes that 23.2 percent of rapes and sexual assaults against adolescents are committed by strangers and 73.7 percent of attacks are perpetrated by family friends, relatives, or nonrelatives who are known well by the victim (e.g., neighbors) (Savino and Turvey 2005, p.16).
The myth of the loner is linked closely with the myth of the stranger. The assumption here is that rape offenders are disenfranchised social outcasts, but studies indicate that the majority of offenders are in consensual relationships when they commit their crimes (Savino and Turvey 2005). Another myth is that of uncontrollable arousal. Everyone's brain chemistry, psychological pleasures, and pain associations are different, and varying degrees of sexual dysfunction occur during the commission of rape (Savino and Turvey 2005). Moreover, rape is not committed to satisfy sexual desire; instead, the offender is seeking to fulfill his or her need for power and control. In this sense rape is a pseudo-sexual act that is a means to achieve the offender's goals (Savino and Turvey 2005).
In addition to offender myths, false beliefs surround the behavior and characteristics of rape victims. A prominent myth is that the victim is responsible for arousing the offender and/or that the victim does not discourage the perpetrator from committing the crime. A victim's clothing or behavior is not an invitation to forced sexual activity. If an individual consents to some sexual activity, that consent does not cover all sexual activity; if the individual says "no" or "stop," that constitutes dissuasion. Additionally, a persistent myth is that if a victim takes drugs or alcohol, the ensuing attack is not rape or sexual assault. An individual under the influence of alcohol or drugs does not cause anyone to assault her or him. Many state laws note that individuals under the influence of alcohol or drugs are impaired and cannot consent to sexual activity. Moreover, offenders who employ drugs or alcohol to subdue a victim are committing a crime in addition to rape or sexual assault.
STATISTICS
Research on crime in the United States indicates a decline in the commission of most crimes, with the incidence rape and sexual assault remaining consistent. In fact, since 2000 FBI data show a 5 percent increase in rape crimes (National Coalition against Domestic Violence [NCADV] 2006). In the United States "1 in 5 women and 1 in 33 men have experienced an attempted or completed rape" (NCADV 2006). According to the National Violence against Women Survey, 76 percent of those who commit rape and/or sexual assault are intimate partners (current or former spouse, cohabitating partner, date, or boyfriend or girlfriend). Intimate partner rape and sexual assault often are linked with physical abuse; 68 percent of physically abused women report sexual assault within their intimate partner relationships (McFarlane and Malecha 2005). Marital rape, which is more specific than intimate partner rape and sexual assault, accounts for 25 percent of all rapes, and married women are likely to experience multiple rapes and/or sexual assaults before escaping from the abuse (NCADV 2006). In addition, individuals who are disabled or pregnant or have attempted to leave a relationship are at greater risk for being victims of intimate partner rape and sexual assault. Intimate partner rape and sexual assault are not limited to heterosexual relationships; the NCADV (2006) notes that 52 percent of the participants in a study of gay and lesbian sexual coercion indicated that they were victims of at least one sexual assault.
Although intimate partnership is the primary relationship in which this type of violence occurs, the most commonly affected demographic group is women between the ages of sixteen and twenty-four, and 70 percent of the rape and sexual assault committed against teenage and college-aged women is perpetrated by an acquaintance or date (NCADV 2006). The National Center for Victims of Crime estimates that 5 percent of college women experience rape in a year and that 60 percent of rapes on college campuses occur in a casual or steady relationship (National Center for Victims of Crime 2006).
Sexual assault and rape in the college environment received increased attention in the first decade of the twenty-first century, and the Department of Justice produced a December 2005 report titled "Sexual Assault on Campus: What Colleges and Universities Are Doing about It." This report highlights the significance of rape and sexual assault on college campuses and also indicates how universities are complying with federal laws and providing resources to victims "unevenly." Moreover, the report notes the widespread underreporting of rape and sexual assault in this environment. The researchers focused on "whether schools have a written sexual assault response policy; whether and how they define sexual misconduct; who on campus is trained to respond to reports of sexual assault; how students can report sexual victimization; what resources are available to victims; and what investigation and adjudication procedures once a report is made" are available ("Sexual Assault" p. 4, 6). These findings indicate the need for continued reform on campuses in a range of areas, such as the development of campus-wide sexual assault policies and efforts to increase reporting.
Women experience rape and sexual assault at a significantly greater rate than do men, but college-age men report unwanted kissing or fondling more than unwanted intercourse, and these advances generally are made by other men. However, most male victims do not report a rape or sexual assault, and so the statistics for this demographic are often unavailable (the FBI Uniform Crime Report does not report men as rape victims, for example). Researchers have begun to address men as victims of rape on college campuses in particular and have noted that men account for approximately 10 percent of rape victims (Sampson 2002, p. 3).
PROFILE OF A RAPE VICTIM
Any woman or man in any racial, socioeconomic, age, and sexual identity category can be a victim of rape despite the fact that the most commonly affected demographic group is teenage and college-age women. Most research on rape victims has focused on the effects of rape, such as rape trauma syndrome, but the existing research has not produced a definitive profile of a rape victim. Most likely this is the case because rape spans such wide cultural categories and because the complexities of the crime make it difficult to identify a single type of victim. For example, the type of abuse, event characteristics, offender pathology, the relationship between victim and offender, victim personality, and the victim's response after the crime are all dimensions that define the crime of rape (Johnson and Sigler 1997). However, these factors offer investigators and prosecutors strategies for gaining insight into a particular crime, and this tool traditionally is called victimology, or the study of victims. By employing victimology, investigators can narrow the suspect pool and achieve a better focus for their case and develop a context for the crime.
Although the victims of rape vary and the crime circumstances are case-specific, the aftermath of rape for the victims has been researched and documented thoroughly. First, victims must decide to report the crime and involve the judicial system. This process requires the victims to convince law enforcement and prosecutors that a crime did occur; they also must convince prosecutors that the crime can be tried in front of a jury; and they then must persuade a jury to convict the offender (Savino and Turvey 2005). Victims may encounter disbelief from friends and/or family members or scrutiny from the public, and that may affect the decision-making process.
Victims also experience rape trauma syndrome. Burgess and Hazelwood (2001a) describe rape trauma syndrome as having two phases—acute and long-term—and as being a syndrome of behavioral, psychological, and somatic responses to a life-threatening situation. The acute phase is described as disorganization, and victims respond emotionally and physically to the immediate impact of the crime. Physical responses can include disturbances of sleeping and eating patterns and symptoms specific to the area or areas that underwent physical trauma during the crime (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001a). Emotional reactions vary widely, but fear is the primary emotional response; that fear is typically of death, mutilation, and/or physical injury (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001a). Other emotional reactions noted by Burgess and Hazelwood include guilt, shame, humiliation, degradation, and embarrassment. After the acute phase of the syndrome, victims undergo the long-term process, which is defined as reorganization. A number of factors contribute to the way victims reorganize their lives, including personality, the support received after the crime, and how those they told about the rape responded (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001a).
Burgess and Hazelwood (2001a) identify four lifestyle areas that frequently experience disruption as a result of rape: physical, psychological, social, and sexual. In the long term victims may experience physical problems in the areas of injury and gynecological and/or menstruation difficulties, such as chronic changes in menstruation patterns (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001a). The psychological reactions during the reorganization process often carry over from the acute phase, such as dreams and nightmares. Common psychological responses also include fears and phobias; fears develop as defense mechanisms, whereas phobias are frequently maladaptive (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001a). A victim's social lifestyle can be affected in a variety of ways, including minimal social functioning. A common response is to seek support from family members regardless of geographical distance (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001a). Finally, victims can experience a fear of sex after a rape, and that fear can increase when a partner wants to return to a previous sexual pattern (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001a).
One type of victim remains understudied: the male victim. Approximately 5 to 10 percent of all reported rape victims are men, and the demographic profile is typically heterosexual: White men in their early to middle twenties and gay men are raped at higher rates than are heterosexual men (Scarce 2001). Most male victims are assaulted in or near their homes by heterosexual men they know, and multiple assailants are more prevalent in assaults on men than in those on women. Weapons are used more often against men than against women. Moreover, men are more likely to deny that a rape occurred. However, the effects are fairly similar because male victims can experience rape trauma syndrome, shame, guilt, anger, depression, and posttraumatic stress disorder.
PROFILE OF A RAPE OFFENDER
As with a rape victim, a specific profile of a rape assailant is difficult to construct because of the variety of personality types, modi operandi, and motives. Examining the range of modi operandi allows investigators to link unsolved rapes and sexual assaults and helps develop investigative leads on the offender's identity (Savino and Turvey 2005). Thus, modi operandi can offer a profile of the type of offender involved in a particular crime. Investigators can learn the involvement of the offender's choices, procedures, and techniques in the commission of the crime that could be characteristic of a particular profession, skill and/or trade, or realm of knowledge, including knowledge of the victim and knowledge particular to the crime scene, by studying modi operandi (Savino and Turvey 2005). Modi operandi behaviors can include the number of offenders, the amount of planning involved, the choice of location, the route selected, the use of weapon and/or restraints, surveillance of the victim, and items taken from the scene of the crime (Savino and Turvey 2005). A number of factors can influence the modus operandi of an offender, including educational or technical materials, trade or professional experience, criminal experience, prior contact with the criminal justice system, the media, and the offender's emotional state (Savino and Turvey 2005).
Savino and Turvey (2005) distinguish between motive and intent in analyzing an offender's motivation. Motive is defined as a general need, whereas intent is a specific plan or aim. By focusing on an offender's motive, investigators can limit the suspect pool to individuals with a particular motive, link unsolved rapes and sexual assaults on the basis of similar motives, and offer circumstantial information on an offender's identity and/or emotional state (Savino and Turvey 2005). Like modi operandi, motive can provide a profile of a particular offender involved in a crime.
A number of researchers have identified a range of rape offender motivational typologies that include power-reassurance (compensatory), power-assertive (impulsive, exploitative, entitlement), anger-retaliatory (displaced aggression), and anger-excitation (sadistic) (Savino and Turvey 2005). Power-reassurance stems from an offender's doubts about prowess and desirability and involves nonaggressive behavior that serves to normalize the assault for the offender (Savino and Turvey 2005). Savino and Turvey (2005) note that the power-assertive typology involves nonlethal but aggressive behavior that stems from an offender's doubts about machismo, confidence, and masculinity, and the attack is typically an overt display of those characteristics. The anger-retaliatory motive satisfies an offender's rage through violent physical and sexual force (Savino and Turvey 2005). Finally, an offender can exhibit the anger-excitation typology, in which the victim's pain triggers the offender's sexual arousal (Savino and Turvey 2005).
According to U.S. Department of Justice statistics in a 1995 study (Greenfield 1997), 56 percent of offenders arrested for rape were white, 42 percent were African-American, and 2 percent were of other racial origin. The National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) indicates that over 40 percent of rape offenders were thirty years old and older and that approximately one in eight was under eighteen years of age (Greenfield 1997). These statistics provide a broad picture of the types of individuals who tend to commit rape, but the study of modi operandi and motive offers better insight into rape offenders.
INVESTIGATION OF RAPE CRIMES
After the victim has decided to report a rape, law enforcement officials respond. There has been extensive revision to the response procedures for rape and sexual assault because of inconsistencies and errors in the past. Upon arrival, the first responders should assist the victim and provide aid if necessary, notify the appropriate agencies, secure the crime scene, protect the evidence, and establish the basic facts of the incident (Savino and Turvey 2005). These simple procedures begin the complex process of investigating the crime. Along with revisions of investigative procedures, sexual assault protocols have been established in all states to identify the specific needs and nuances of the rape victim and of the crime scene and evidence. Included in this protocol are procedures to be followed by first responders that include instructing the victim not to wash her or his hands, discard clothing, shower, or bathe in order to protect potential evidence (Savino and Turvey 2005). Also, the first responders should conduct an initial interview with the victim that not only gathers information but also takes into account the emotional state of the victim and is conducted with respect and courtesy.
The crime scene is not simply the place where the crime of rape occurred; it can include primary, secondary, and intermediate crime scenes, a disposal site, and the victim. A crime scene is the place where a criminal act has taken place and where evidence of the crime can be collected (Savino and Turvey 2005). In the case of sex crimes the victim's body and clothing constitute a crime scene. Investigators must establish all the scenes involved in the crime, and they often do this by retracing the interaction between the victim and the offender. Once the crime scenes have been identified, investigators, including crime laboratory technicians and police officers, must identify and collect evidence.
Physical evidence in sex crimes is integral to the prosecution of a suspect. In 1994 as noted by Savino and Turvey, Henry Lee identified four types of physical evidence: transient, transfer, pattern, and conditional. All four categories can be part of a rape or sexual assault. Transient evidence is temporary and can be changed or lost with time; it can include odor; temporary imprints and/or indentations in surfaces such as sand, snow, and ice; and burning candles or incense (Savino and Turvey 2005). Transfer evidence is produced by physical contact between persons and/or objects and can be traced back to the source by examining its physical, chemical, or biological properties (Savino and Turvey 2005). Transfer evidence may include or be found on finger or palm prints, tool marks, tracks or impressions, cigarettes, glass, plastic, rubber, paint, hair, fibers, weapons, and bodily fluids (Savino and Turvey 2005). Pattern evidence also is produced by contact between persons and/or objects but has distinctive characteristics; it may include finger or palm patterns, glass fracture patterns, footwear or footprint patterns, tire and/or skid marks, powder residue, fire burn patterns, and modus operandi patterns (Savino and Turvey 2005). Conditional evidence is generated by an action or event, and its presence provides direct evidence that an event has or has not occurred. Conditional evidence may include smoke from a fire, fire color or temperature, the location of an item, and locks and windows that have or have not been engaged (Savino and Turvey 2005). Biological evidence, which may be transfer or pattern evidence, is significant in investigating and prosecuting sex crimes. In these cases the most common biological evidence collected is blood, sweat, semen, sperm, hair, saliva, urine, and excrement (Savino and Turvey 2005). These pieces of evidence may be found on a number of surfaces, including the victim and the offender, and every object and surface at crime scenes can contain biological transfer evidence.
Because the victim herself or himself is a crime scene, processing evidence from the victim requires deliberate procedural attention, and until recently these standards varied greatly across jurisdictions. In the past rape and sexual assault victims were transported to the emergency room, where they had to wait four to twelve hours for an examination. Once they were seen by a medical professional, they often had to wait an additional three hours. Evidence could be lost during that period, and the nurses and doctors were not trained in collecting evidence.
It is recommended that victims be examined within seventy-two hours of an assault, and if a victim does not report the attack immediately, the time needed to collect evidence becomes even more critical. As a result, the Sexual Assault Nurse Examiner (SANE) program was implemented and dictates the standards by which hospitals and medical facilities should attend to rape and sexual assault victims. A SANE professional is a specially trained nurse who is available around the clock to conduct rape and/or sexual assault examinations, and she or he will complete the medical legal examination within a specified time frame (Savino and Turvey 2005).
The SANE program represents a significant step in the standardization of rape and sexual assault examination and investigation protocols that has been established nationwide. The Joint Commission on Accreditation of Health Care Organizations requires emergency and ambulatory services to have standard procedures on rape, sexual assault, and domestic violence examinations and also requires those facilities to train staff in recognizing potential victims of those crimes (Savino and Turvey 2005). Those standards, specifically the implementation of the SANE program, have proved effective. SANE professionals can facilitate reporting and assist the victim in cooperating with the legal process, and they greatly reduce the time a victim must spend in the emergency room. Moreover, they generate better evidence collection because they are trained in this process and they assure that the examination is both medical and legal in nature (Savino and Turvey 2005).
SANE professionals administer the sexual assault medical evidentiary examination, and this aspect of the investigative procedure also has experienced standardization, beginning in California in 1987. The examination begins with the determination by the emergency room triage nurse whether there are any injuries that require immediate attention, and the emergency room physician room waits until the SANE professional or forensic examiner documents the injuries via photography and collects evidence to treat any non-life-threatening injuries (Savino and Turvey 2005). After triage is done and the victim's signed consent for the examination is obtained, the SANE professional conducts the complete examination, including the medical forensic interview; collects any evidence that may confirm recent sexual contact and show whether force or coercion was employed; and corroborates the victim's assault history provided at the initial interview (Savino and Turvey 2005). More specifically, clothing and biological evidence may be collected, further examination and documentation of injuries may occur, preventive care for sexually transmitted diseases and evaluation of pregnancy risk may be administered, and crisis intervention will be offered. The SANE professional is also responsible for providing referrals for follow-up medical and psychological care (Savino and Turvey 2005).
The sexual assault examination can include testing for drug-facilitated rape and sexual assault. Part of the difficulty in prosecuting not only rape and sexual assault cases involving drugs but also the use of drugs in the perpetration of rape and sexual assault is the fact that the victim often has no recollection of the crime because of the effects of the drug. Attention has been paid to the use of Rohypnol and gamma hydroxybutyrate (GHB) in the perpetration of rapes and sexual assaults. However, many other substances have been detected in victims, such as ecstasy, cocaine, marijuana, opiates, muscle relaxers, and alcohol. In fact, the substances detected most commonly are alcohol, marijuana, cocaine, benzodiazepines (e.g., Rohypnol), amphetamines, and GHB. Most of these drugs have sedative effects that cause the user-victim to lose inhibitions, be more submissive, and ultimately lose consciousness (Savino and Turvey 2005). Many of these substances also can cause dizziness, nausea, impaired judgment, and confusion, and drugs such as Rohypnol and GHB can cause the victim to have partial or complete amnesia. In contrast to other types of rape or sexual assault cases, the victim may or may not have been a willing participant in previous acts of consensual sex with the offender or may have consented to or not consented to the use of drugs (Savino and Turvey 2005).
In addition to physical evidence, other types of evidence can include circumstantial evidence, which consists of facts or events that can implicate an individual in a crime, and eyewitness evidence, which consists of one or more persons who claim to have witnessed the crime or saw the suspect in the vicinity of the crime (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001a).
RESOURCES AND VICTIM SERVICES
In the late twentieth century crisis centers offered little in the way of resources and services to victims of rape, but grassroots groups whose formation resulted from the activity of the women's movement ensured that victims had access to counseling and other modes of assistance (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001a). Contemporary hospitals and medical care facilities offer victim care services (VCS) and work in conjunction with the SANE and similar programs. Rape crisis services typically include a twenty-four-hour telephone hotline and Web resources, advocacy to assist with the medical and legal systems, accompaniment to medical or legal appointments or court appearances, and post-rape/assault counseling (Burgess and Hazelwood 2001a). Counseling can be individual or done in a group setting. In the past counseling services were provided by trained volunteers, but more recently mental health professionals have been providing counseling services.
see also Prison, Detention and Correctional Institutions.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Burgess, Ann Wolbert, and Robert R. Hazelwood. 2001a. "Victim Care Services and Comprehensive Sexual Assault Assessment Tool (CSAAT)." In Practical Aspects of Rape Investigation: A Multidisciplinary Approach. 3rd edition, ed. Robert R. Hazelwood and Ann Wolbert Burgess. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press.
Burgess, Ann Wolbert, and Robert R. Hazelwood. 2001b. "The Victim's Perspective." In Practical Aspects of Rape Investigation: A Multidisciplinary Approach. 3rd edition, ed. Robert R. Hazelwood and Ann Wolbert Burgess. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press.
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Ledray, Linda E. 1999. Sexual Assault Nurse Examiner Development and Operation Guide. Minneapolis, MN: Sexual Assault Resource Service.
McFarlane, Judith, and Ann Malecha. 2005. Sexual Assault among Intimates: Frequency, Consequences, and Treatments. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice.
National Center for Victims of Crime. 2006. "Campus Dating Violence." Available from http://www.ncvc.org.
National Coalition against Domestic Violence. 2006. "Dating Violence." Available from http://www.ncadv.org.
Rozee, Patricia. 2001. "Stranger Rape." In Rape, ed. Mary E. Williams. San Diego, CA: Greenhaven Press.
Sampson, Rana. 2002. Acquaintance Rape of College Students. Washington D.C.: U.S. Dept. of Justice. Available from http://www.cops.usdoj.gov.
Savino, John O., and Brent E. Turvey, eds. 2005. Rape Investigation Handbook. Amsterdam and Boston: Elsevier Academic Press.
Scarce, Michael. 2001. "Uncovering Male-on-Male Rape." In Rape, ed. Mary E. Williams. San Diego, CA: Greenhaven Press.
Thoennes, Nancy, and Patricia Tjaden. Full Report of the Prevalence, Incidence, and Consequences of Violence against Women: Findings from the National Violence against Women Survey. 2000. Washington D.C.: U.S. Dept. of Justice. Available from http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij.
Michelle Parke