Africa

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AFRICA

legitimate trade
east africa
southern africa
north africa
the scramble for africa
bibliography

In 1789 the Atlantic slave trade was at its height. During the final quarter of the eighteenth century nearly two million captured Africans were carried across the Atlantic to lives of servitude in the European colonies of the New World. The major slave-trading nations during this period were Britain, which carried 39 percent of the slaves, Portugal (33 percent), and France (22 percent), while the Netherlands, Spain, Denmark, the United States, and the British Caribbean remained minor participants. The African regions most affected by the Atlantic slave trade were Congo-Angola, which provided 42 percent of the slaves, Biafra (19 percent), the Bight of Benin (14 percent), and the Gold Coast (13 percent).

Throughout the eighteenth century, the sources of African captives had moved steadily inland from the coastal regions. By 1789 the majority of the captives shipped from the Senegal and Gambia rivers came from Segu and Kaarta along the middle Niger Valley, some five hundred to eight hundred miles from the coast. Similarly, most of the slaves coming out of Angola had been captured during the wars of the expanding Lunda Empire, more than seven hundred miles from the coast. At the mouth of the Congo River, slaves were coming from as far away as the lower Ubangi, nearly seven hundred miles away. Along the Gold Coast and the Bight of Benin, the captives sold by the Asante Empire at the end of the eighteenth century came mostly from northern Ghana and southern Burkina Faso, and captives sold by the kingdom of Dahomey came from as far away as the Hausa states of northern Nigeria.

Enslavement was devastating to its millions of victims, and the warfare that accompanied it resulted in countless plundered villages and burned fields. At the same time, the ruling and merchant classes in African slave-trading societies accumulated large amounts of wealth in the form of luxury goods such as imported cloth, spirits, and bodily adornments that increased the differences in social status between those who had access to them and those who did not. The muskets, cannons, and gunpowder that poured into Africa at this time strengthened the military establishments in kingdoms such as Dahomey, Asante, Kayor, and Bawol, and led to the rise of warlord states in Angola. There is no evidence that the European and Asian goods that entered Africa by the shipload led to significant increases in productivity or to structural changes that put African economies on a path toward capitalist development. African trading states were exporting labor in exchange for luxury goods and military equipment, creating a bubble of prosperity for the ruling and merchant classes that was threatened when the Atlantic slave trade ended.

Between 1802 and 1818, the governments of Denmark, England, the United States, France, and Holland outlawed the transportation of slaves across the Atlantic, even though slavery itself remained legal throughout the New World. The British sent out naval squadrons to cruise the West African coast and occasionally to blockade major slaving ports. In 1808 they established the colony of Freetown on the Sierra Leone peninsula, which they used as a naval base for antislavery squadrons and as a resettlement colony for Africans who had been liberated from slave ships. But these measures had limited effect because both European traders and African merchants became adept at slave smuggling.

One of the most notorious slave smugglers was Felix De Sousa, the governor of the slaving port of Whydah in the kingdom of Dahomey. Born in Brazil of mixed parentage, De Souza came to Dahomey to work in the Portuguese fort, but soon established himself as an independent trader. He used his friendship with the Dahomian King Gezo to gain an appointment as the governor of Whydah. He controlled commerce of the port from 1820 until his death in 1849 and gained a reputation as a master at slave smuggling. The British captured thirty of the slave ships that he loaded, but a quarter of a million slaves left Whydah and neighboring ports during De Souza's administration. In a similar fashion, the maze of creeks and waterways that made up the Niger River delta provided ideal cover for slave smugglers. Bonny and Kalabari, the leading slave ports of the Niger delta, continued to export slaves until 1837, when the British navy began concentrating its squadrons at the major delta ports. The town of Nembe, hidden deep in the mangrove swamps, thrived on the slave trade until the Brazilian slave markets closed in the 1850s.

The main impediment to the British antislavery efforts was the fact that Portugal did not agree to outlaw the Atlantic slave trade until 1830, and even then did not make any attempt to implement the agreement until the 1850s. During the second quarter of the nineteenth century, the Portuguese slave trade from the Congo-Angola area remained at eighteenth-century levels, while illegal traders from the major European slave trading nations frequented the coast of southwest Africa to purchase slaves far from the reach of the British squadrons. Nearly half of all slaves taken from Africa during this period came from Congo-Angola, while another 15 percent came from southwest Africa.

With British squadrons and high slave prices along the West African coasts, some slave traders turned to the Indian Ocean coast of southern Africa. The Portuguese port at Mozambique Island, where slaves were cheap, became a major slaving port in the first half of the nineteenth century, when nearly four hundred thousand slaves from southeast Africa were sent to Brazil, San Domingo, and Martinique.

legitimate trade

By the 1830s it was clear to most West African rulers and merchants that the Atlantic slave trade was winding down, and they began to search for


new ways to maintain the flow of European and Asian imports. At this time, England and other European countries were entering the early stages of industrialization and were seeking new sources of tropical oils for industry and exotic luxury items for the middle classes. During the era of the slave trade, Europeans had always purchased hides, ivory, gold, gum copal, and other African products along with slaves, but they were focusing on finding new products to meet the demands of changing European economies.

One African product that attracted a great deal of European attention was palm oil, which was used in making soap and candles. Oil palms grew abundantly in the Niger River delta and its hinterland, and British purchases of palm oil grew from five thousand tons per year in 1827 to thirty thousand tons in 1853. By 1869 five British steamships per month were visiting the Niger delta to buy palm oil. African merchants who had formerly traded in slaves scrambled to develop inland territories where they could monopolize the palm oil trade. They purchased large numbers of slave laborers to load and unload the casks of palm oil for transportation in dugout canoes along the delta waterways. African palm oil merchants at the former slave trading port of Old Calabar developed palm plantations worked by slave laborers. Slaves thus continued to flow into the delta ports long after the Atlantic slave trade ended.

A similar economic transformation occurred in the kingdom of Dahomey, where slave smuggling proceeded simultaneously with the buildup of palm oil plantations. By the 1840s there were many palm oil plantations around the port cities of Whydah and Porto Novo and the capital city of Abomey. These plantations were worked by slaves, who tended the trees and engaged in the laborious processes of extracting the oil from the fruit and transporting it to the ports. In 1851 Abomey was home to ten thousand slaves out of a total population of thirty thousand, and in 1855 there was a revolt of Yoruba slaves on the Abomey plateau. The transition from the slave trade to what the British called "legitimate trade" thus had the ironic effect of increasing the use of slave labor within Africa.

During the era of the slave trade, the kingdoms in the West African region bounded by the Senegal and Gambia rivers had developed a class of professional horse-mounted soldiers known as Cheddo. When the Atlantic slave trade ended, the Cheddo lost a valuable source of income, and they began to pillage agricultural villages in search of booty and captives, whom they sold into trans-Saharan slave trade to North Africa.

In 1840 the French discovered that peanut oil could be mixed with palm oil to make good soap, and they began to buy peanuts from the African peasants, who increased their production and often used the proceeds to buy guns to defend themselves from the Cheddo. As peanut exports rose from five thousand tons in 1854 to eighty thousand tons in 1882, gun battles between Muslim peasants and bands of marauding Cheddo warriors became more frequent. Cheddo war bands would even go into the village fields and uproot peanut plants in a vain attempt to halt the peanut trade.

In the Congo-Angola region, there were no agricultural products in great demand by the Europeans, but the rising middle class in Europe was creating a new demand for ivory that would be carved into piano keys, billiard balls, combs, fans, and other fineries. Whereas ivory from West African elephants was hard and suitable mainly for knife handles, equatorial African ivory was softer and could be carved into ornate objects and exquisite designs. The price of ivory at Luanda shot up 300 percent after the Portuguese government abolished its monopoly in 1836, and ivory exports rose from one and a half tons in 1832 to more than eighty tons in 1859.

The transition to the ivory trade provoked serious political upheavals in the hinterland of Angola that reached as far as the Lunda Empire in the heart of central Africa. The Lunda king had sold slaves captured in the course of his many wars in exchange for guns that he used for his army and European goods that he distributed as political patronage to loyal officials. With the closing of the Brazilian slave ports in the 1850s, the price of a male slave along the coast of Angola fell from seventy dollars to ten dollars, putting the Lunda Empire's delicate patronage system in jeopardy. By 1875 political unrest was growing both at the Lunda capital and in the provinces.

The highly mobile bands of Chokwe hunters living in the hinterland of Angola were in a position to profit from the new economic conditions by selling wax and ivory to the Portuguese in exchange for firearms and other trade goods that they used to purchase slave women. In response to the growing political unrest and fierce succession struggles in the Lunda Empire in the 1870s, contenders for political power in the western Lunda provinces invited Chokwe war bands to settle on their lands and aid them in their struggle against the imperial capital. Fighting their way eastward, the Chokwe mercenaries broke faith with their employers and sacked the capital in 1886, thus destroying the Lunda Empire.

With the decline of the slave trade, African traders in the equatorial rainforest refocused their efforts on the ivory trade. The Bobangi canoemen, who had controlled the slave trade along the middle Congo River and the lower Ubangi, continued to carry slaves for the internal African market but depended on the ivory trade to purchase cloth, guns, and other imported products. The ivory was carried down the Congo River in canoes to Malebo Pool, where a two hundred mile series of rapids blocked further advancement. The ivory was then transferred to caravans of porters, who carried it to the coast for sale to Europeans. By the 1880s ivory was coming from as far inland as Wagenia Falls, more than a thousand miles from the mouth of the Congo River. Investing the wealth they gained from their ivory sales mainly in purchasing slaves, the Bobangi developed a society that reproduced itself mainly through slave purchases. Bobangi trading towns along the middle Congo became populated overwhelmingly by persons of slave origin and their descendants and fostered a system of social mobility whereby slaves could become wealthy traders or even chiefs.

east africa

East Africa was largely spared the ravages of the Atlantic slave trade, although there was a longstanding trade in slaves from the East African coast to the Middle East. In the nineteenth century the tiny island of Zanzibar, located just twenty-two miles off the East African coast, became the focal point for East African interactions with Europe. In the 1780s merchants from India began to visit Zanzibar in order to purchase ivory that had been brought there by boat from the mainland. The Indians believed that East African ivory was the best in the world. At the same time, French merchants began coming to Zanzibar in search of slaves for the sugar plantations being developed on the Indian Ocean islands of Reunion and Mauritius. This rise in commerce had little effect at first; in 1800 Zanzibar Town contained a few houses, but mostly huts of straw mat.

Things began to change when the sultan of Oman, which had claimed a loose hegemony over Zanzibar in the eighteenth century, made a voyage to the island in 1828. Four years later he transferred the capital of the Omani Empire from Muscat, in the Persian Gulf, to Zanzibar. One reason for the change was that the sultan had seen the two clove plantations established by an Omani merchant. Cloves, which had formerly been produced only in the Molucca Islands of southeast Asia, seemed to do especially well in Zanzibar. The sultan confiscated the clove plantations and took over land for new plantations. By the 1840s people all over the island were cutting down fruit trees in order to plant clove trees, and many Omani Arabs followed their sultan to Zanzibar in order to start clove plantations. The clove boom attracted the attention of Europeans. The United States established a consulate on Zanzibar in 1837, followed by the British in 1841 and the French in 1846.

The clove plantations were worked by slave laborers purchased from the East African mainland. By 1870 Zanzibar had between sixty thousand and one hundred thousand slaves working on the plantations, and it was importing ten thousand slaves per year to replenish the labor force. Zanzibar-based trading caravans financed by Indian merchants went farther and farther into the interior in search of slaves for the plantations or for shipment to the Middle East.

The trade routes had been pioneered in the early nineteenth century by the inland Nyamwezi, who brought ivory and slaves to the coast from their homeland in eastern Tanzania. Swahili and Arab traders from the coast began using the routes after 1825. The caravan trade greatly expanded with the development of clove plantations in Zanzibar and the surge in European demand for East African ivory. British imports of ivory rose from 125 tons per year in 1820 to 800 tons in 1875, causing prices in East Africa to rise 400 percent between 1823 and 1873.

With twenty-four thousand tusks exported annually from Zanzibar during the 1860s, the elephant herds in Tanzania were virtually extinct by 1872. Arab and Swahili traders began to cross Lake Tanganyika in the 1860s and search for ivory in the forested regions of eastern Congo. Hamed bin Muhammed, known as Tippu Tip, established permanent bases in the towns of Kassongo and Nyangwe along the upper Congo River. From there, his hired Nyamwezi soldiers would attack villages, seize stockpiles of ivory, and take captives, who could be ransomed with ivory or sold in Zanzibar. By the 1880s Tippu Tip's raiding state had congealed into a merchant-led confederation whose territory extended more than five hundred miles from north to south. Despite its state-like


structure, it served mainly to funnel slaves and ivory to Zanzibar.

southern africa

In 1795 the British seized the Dutch East India Company's colony at the Cape of Good Hope and took definitive control of the Cape Colony in 1806. As the British began to solidify their control over the Huguenot and Dutch settlers, known as Afrikaners or Boers, political changes were taking place in the interior that would have ramifications throughout southern Africa.

In 1818, a minor chief named Shaka conquered the Nguni chiefdoms between the Tugela and Pongola rivers and established a powerful, centralized Zulu kingdom with a standing army of forty thousand men organized in closely drilled and highly disciplined age regiments. During the next decade, Shaka expanded his kingdom into the Drakensberg foothills and sent soldiers to seize cattle and collect tribute south of the Tugela River, where they devastated hundreds of square miles, sending thousands of refugees fleeing to the inaccessible mountains and forests. Young men and women from newly conquered chiefdoms were incorporated into Zulu regiments.

In the Cape Colony, many Boer settlers were unhappy with the changes being introduced by the British colonial government, especially the 1828 ordinance that gave indigenous workers on Boer farms the right to move about and seek employment and the 1833 Emancipation Act, which promised to free slave workers by 1838. Between 1835 and 1841, about six thousand Boers left the Cape Colony, moving into areas that had recently been depopulated by the Zulu wars and extending white settlement far into the interior. They eventually created two Boer states, the Orange Free State and the South African Republic. In 1843 the British annexed the region of Natal to keep it from falling into rival European hands.

European interest in Southern Africa was heightened when diamonds were discovered in the Orange Free State in 1867 and gold was discovered in the South African Republic in 1886. The discovery of precious minerals brought a flood of new investors, entrepreneurs, and miners, and by 1877 the diamond town of Kimberley was the second largest city in southern Africa. In 1878 the British government annexed the diamond mining area from the Orange Free State and incorporated it into the Cape Colony. At that time there were about ten thousand white diggers and thirty thousand black workers in the diamond fields. Soon the freewheeling private enterprise that had characterized the early diamond digging was replaced by a more consolidated and coercive system. In 1886 De Beers Consolidated Mines introduced closed compounds for its African workers, and by 1899 De Beers had established a virtual monopoly on worldwide diamond sales.

The gold mining city of Johannesburg quickly became the largest city in sub-Saharan Africa, attracting mining engineers and skilled miners from Europe and the United States. African migrant laborers from all over southern Africa were recruited to work in the mines, and by the turn of the century almost two-thirds of the labor came from Mozambique. African workers lived in compounds built by the mines for better control of the labor force. After 1896, all Africans in mining areas were required by law to have passes issued by their employers. Failure to produce a pass on demand could result in three weeks of hard labor for the first offense. By 1899 there were a million black workers and twelve thousand white workers working in the gold mines.

north africa

With the exception of Morocco, coastal North Africa was under the nominal control of the Ottoman Empire in 1789. Napoleon's army invaded Egypt in 1798 and defeated the forces of the archaic Mamluk oligarchy, but a British naval blockade of the Nile Delta ports persuaded the French to withdraw in 1801. In 1830 the French invaded Algeria and managed to overcome fierce resistance with an occupation army of more than one hundred thousand men. White settlers from France and Spain moved into the agriculturally productive coastal strip, taking over the olive plantations, vineyards, and wheat farms. By the end of the century there were nearly a million European settlers in Algeria.

In the aftermath of the French withdrawal from Egypt, the Ottoman sultan appointed Mehmet Ali, an Albanian officer in the Ottoman army, as the viceroy of Egypt. Mehmet Ali created a modern state with a salaried civil service and a professional army based on European models. In 1811 he organized the massacre of several hundred Mamluk nobles who had previously controlled the military recruiting and tax farming system. In 1820 his army invaded Sudan and established the city of Khartoum as an administrative center at the confluence of the Blue and the White Nile. Many European military and administrative advisers were brought to Egypt, and French and British merchants were allowed to operate freely after 1838.

European interest in Egypt increased as the British developed a route to India through the Mediterranean and the Red Sea that used Egypt as the transshipment point. In the 1850s the British built railroads connecting the Red Sea port of Suez to Cairo and the Mediterranean port of Alexandria. In the 1860s the French began work on the Suez Canal, which opened in 1869. Encouraged by high prices for Egyptian cotton during the American Civil War, the ruler of Egypt, Khedive Ismail, undertook further expansion and modernization of his army and extended the railway up the Nile toward Sudan. The end of the cotton boom and the disappointing financial results of the Suez Canal forced Khedive Ismail to declare bankruptcy in 1876, and three years later the British and French took over dual control of Egypt's finances. Following a coup by Egyptian army officers that threatened to recapture Egyptian financial control, the British army occupied Egypt in 1882 and began ruling the country through an appointed pasha.

Resentment of Egyptian rule in Sudan was crystallized by a Muslim reformer named Muhammed Ahmed, who called himself The Mahdi, the "guided one." His call for a jihad against the foreigners met with an enthusiastic response. In 1885 his forces took Khartoum, and they eventually gained control of two-thirds of modern Sudan. The Mahdist state


was finally destroyed in 1898 by a combined Anglo-Egyptian army. After that, Sudan was ruled by an Anglo-Egyptian condominium.

the scramble for africa

Until 1870 Europeans controlled only a few coastal enclaves in Africa aside from the British-controlled Cape Colony and Natal, and the colony of Sierra Leone, where they resettled African captives liberated from slave ships. The French had four enclaves in Senegal, the British had a small colony at Lagos, and the Portuguese controlled enclaves at Luanda and Benguela in Angola and at Mozambique Island and Quelmane in Mozambique. In the 1870s the British gained a trading monopoly over the Gold Coast by buying out the Dutch and Danish forts, and in 1874 they proclaimed the coastal Fante Confederation to be a crown colony in order to protect their trade.

Although the African trade amounted to less than 6 percent of Britain's overseas trade in the 1870s and even less for other European powers, there were persistent rumors of vast resources to be discovered in the interior of Africa. With the British involved in Egypt and South Africa, they were content to maintain informal spheres of influence in other parts of the continent. In response to a threat to their Gold Coast trade from the Asante Empire, the British army sacked the Asante capital in 1874 and then quickly withdrew in order to avoid the expense of formal occupation.

By the 1880s the colonization of Africa was becoming more feasible because of developments in technology. In the 1840s Europeans had discovered that quinine could be used to prevent malaria, a major killer of Europeans in Africa, and the British had developed advanced techniques of malaria prevention by 1874. Europeans were also developing new railroad and steamboat technology that incited dreams of creating vast transportation networks for the cheap transport of African products from the interior to the coast. European military technology was also advancing with the adoption of repeating rifles and a portable machine gun, the Maxim gun. Its impact was aptly summed up by the British ditty, "Whatever happens we have got / the Maxim gun and they have not."

The spark that may have set off the European "scramble for Africa" was the decision by the French in 1879 to build a railroad to transport peanuts between their coastal enclaves in Dakar and St. Louis in Senegal, even though the rail line ran through the African kingdom of Kayor. Over the next three years they moved inland, establishing new forts and surveying for a rail line to connect Dakar with the upper Niger River. The French exercise in formal empire in Senegal was quickly followed by other European actions on the continent. In 1882 the British occupied Egypt, and the French proclaimed protectorates over Porto Novo in Dahomey and over the north bank of the lower Congo. The Germans quickly followed by proclaiming protectorates over Togo, Cameroon, and South West Africa in 1884.

Intense international rivalries were causing England, France, Germany, and Portugal to lay claim to whatever territory they could before a rival power took it. At the Berlin West Africa conference in 1884–1885 the ground rules for the partition of Africa were laid out and the Congo River basin was declared a "free trade zone" under the authority of Belgian King Leopold II's International African Association. The actual boundaries of the colonies were worked out in a series of treaties between the colonizing powers between 1885 and 1891.

With the "paper partition" of Africa over, the European colonizers began a series of long and bloody campaigns to establish effective occupation of their colonies, as required by the Berlin Conference. The conquest of the territories was often aided as much by conflicts and rivalries among African states as by European military might. In southern Africa, conflicts between British mining interests and the Boer republics led to the Boer War of 1899–1902 in which the British conquered the Boer republics, leading to the creation of a unified South Africa in 1910. By 1902 virtually the whole of Africa was the colony of one European power or another.

The main political problem facing the colonizers was how to make the transition from military conquest to orderly administration. The French in West Africa dismantled the empires of the Tukolor and Samori, as well as kingdoms such as Dahomey and Fuuta Jalon, replacing them with a chain of command that ran from the Ministry of Colonies in Paris all the way down to the French commandant du cercle. Local African chiefs remained in power as subordinate auxiliaries of the commandant and could be replaced at his pleasure. The authoritarian administrative structure was accompanied by an assimilation policy by which Africans who met certain education and professional requirements could become French citizens, but the requirements were so rigorous that very few Africans achieved this status.

British administrative policies were far less uniform because individual colonial governors were allowed considerably more flexibility to adapt to local circumstances. The most important influence on early British policy was Sir Frederick Lugard, who ruled northern Nigeria after defeating the army of the Sokoto Caliphate in 1906. In order to administer a territory three times the size of Britain with a handful of British officials, he devised a system of indirect rule by which the area would continue to be ruled by the traditional emirs, who would operate within a framework of British law and tax policy. By the 1920s indirect rule was the reigning doctrine for administering Britain's African colonies.

Having invested considerable resources in the conquest and administration of their African colonies, European colonizers were eager to get a payoff. In the Congo, Leopold II quickly abandoned his promise to provide a free trade zone and parceled out the land to European concession companies who used private armies to force Africans to bring in wild rubber, which was in high demand for industrial uses. Those Africans who failed to meet their rubber quotas were imprisoned, whipped, or killed. A similar situation reigned in neighboring French Equatorial Africa, where 70 percent of the territory was


allocated to private concession companies. After reports of colonial atrocities in the Congo were confirmed by an official commission of enquiry in 1905, the Belgian government took the Congo away from King Leopold and made it a Belgian colony in 1908.

Other colonies sought to bring in European settlers who would grow cash crops on land seized from Africans using cheap African labor. The British used this strategy in the highlands of Kenya and in Southern Rhodesia, which had climates amenable to European settlement, and the Portuguese encouraged settler plantations in Angola and Mozambique. Africans were pressured to work for the white settlers in order to get money to pay their taxes or were simply required to work a certain number of days per year on a European farm or plantation.

The majority of the colonies lacked readily exploitable natural resources and European settlers. In such cases the colonial governments relied on tax levies to encourage cash crop production among the rural African populations and used conscripted African labor to build railroads to transport the crops to coastal ports. The British and French profited from the peanut production that was already widespread in Gambia and Senegal, as well as the palm oil production that was already in place in Nigeria and Dahomey. The British introduced cotton into Uganda in 1903, and production increased rapidly, although mandatory cotton production met with popular resistance in many other parts of Africa. In the Gold Coast and Nigeria, the British encouraged cocoa production, and by 1914 the Gold Coast had become the world's largest producer.

By the beginning of World War I, the earliest phase of colonial rule in Africa was coming to an end. After the war, the fledgling colonial administrations would become more systematic, and new tax and labor policies would be introduced. But the continent of Africa was already radically changed. The political and economic relations that predominated in 1914 bore little resemblance to those of 1789.

See alsoBoer War; Colonialism; Colonies; Imperialism; Jingoism; Leopold II; Slavery; Suez Canal.

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Robert Harms

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