Sultanates: Mamluk

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MAMLUK

The Mamluk Sultanate of Egypt and Syria (1250–1517) had its origins in the recruitment of military slaves (Arabic mamluk, literally "owned") by the Ayyubid sultan of Egypt, al-Malik al-Salih (d. 1249). By this time, military slavery was a well-established institution in the Islamic world. Young males from outside the Islamic world would be purchased as slaves, transported to the city of the purchaser, converted to Islam, and trained in the techniques of war. Upon reaching adulthood and usual manumission, they would form—it was hoped—a loyal military force, without ties to the local population. In the turbulent period after al-Salih's death (during a Crusader invasion of Egypt), al-Salih's Mamluks murdered his son and heir Turanshah. Over the ensuing decade they took steps to rule in their own name. By the time these Mamluks defeated the invading Mongols at ˓Ayn Jalut in Palestine in 1260, they controlled the Nile valley and much of the Syro-Palestinian littoral. Under the early sultans, most notably Baybars (1260–1277) and Qalawun (1279–1290), the Mamluks eventually eliminated the last of the Crusader states and kept the Mongol Il-Khans at bay. The Mamluk regime remained a major regional power until it was conquered by the Ottoman Sultan Selim I in 1517.

The Mamluk Sultanate is commonly divided into two periods. The contemporary sources base this division on the ethnicity of the leading Mamluks. During the first period, which ended in 1382, the majority of the sultans were Turks from the Kipchak steppe. During the second period (1382–1517), most of the sultans were ethnic Circassians. The utility of this division is limited. Moreover, the labels Bahri and Burji, frequently applied to the same twofold periodization, are of later invention and should be avoided as they do not hold up to scrutiny.

The Mamluks of al-Salih established a ruling system in which only Mamluks were supposed to participate. The sultan was to be a primus inter pares, atop a hierarchy of graduated ranks and responsibilities. As both the sultan and leading Mamluk emirs would purchase Mamluks of their own, the jockeying for power and influence among the resulting factions was often quite intense and complex. A typical Mamluk career might begin in the ranks, and then progress through the grades of Emir of ten (number of Mamluks in his retinue), Emir of forty, and Emir of one hundred. In addition to these promotions, a Mamluk might receive positions in the military-political administration, from posts as governors of small towns or larger cities to commander of the army or even vice sultan. Salaries for the lower ranks would consist of cash payments. As his rank increased, a Mamluk would count on receiving an iqta˓, or right of revenue, from agricultural districts of varying size and wealth. Cadastral surveys were carried out early in the Mamluk sultanate to aid in the process of revenue inventory and iqta˓ distribution.

As freeborn Muslims, the sons of Mamluks were excluded from the system. This was the ideal. In actuality, upon reaching the sultanate many Mamluks attempted to pass the office on to their sons. While we thus see apparent "dynasties" of sultans from the same lineage—the most famous being that descended from al-Malik al-Nasir Muhammad ibn Qalawun (third reign, 1309–1340)—most of these sultans were in fact puppets, controlled by the senior Mamluk emirs who were maneuvering to take the throne themselves. Many of the sons of Mamluks, known collectively as awlad al-nas ("sons of the people," that is, of those who matter), pursued careers in other endeavors.

Fueled by the agricultural richness of Egypt and sitting astride the lucrative trade routes linking the Mediterranean region to the Indian Ocean and points east, the cities of the Mamluk sultanate were centers of commerce, art, and learning. The Mamluk sultans recognized and supported all four Sunni schools of law, and appointed (and demoted) chief qadis (judges) at their discretion. The patronage of leading Mamluks resulted in the construction of many mosques, madrasas, Sufi khanqas (hospice), and other structures. Mamluk financial support for the building and upkeep of these institutions was often codified in endowment deeds (waqfs). These would typically provide for the salaries of the clerics who taught there and the religious functionaries who staffed the buildings, underwrite the living expenses of students, and support other charitable activities. One repercussion of this active religio-educational environment was the production of a large number of written works in many genres. Today those same texts provide a wealth of primary source material for scholars interested in Mamluk history, culture, and society.