Pomaks

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Pomaks

ETHNONYMS: Bulgarian Muslims, Bulgaro-Mohamedanin


Orientation

The term "Pomak" refers to Bulgarians who converted to Islam during the Ottoman occupation, beginning in the latter portion of the 1300s. During the Communist period of forced assimilation in Bulgaria (1970s and 1980s), the term disappeared from official use. Since the 1989 democratic reforms, however, Pomaks are quite active in public political life. The region of Pomak origin is principally the Rhodope Mountains and the southeast slopes of the Pirin, but because of a series of population exchanges there are a large number of Pomaks in both Greece and Turkey.

The total Pomak population, worldwide, is estimated to be at least 300,000 to 400,000, of which perhaps 75,000 are currently living in Bulgaria. However, this last figure is difficult to verify, as Bulgaria has not provided census data broken down into ethnic minorities. The Muslim settlements of the Rhodope Mountains are currently enjoying a certain demographic growth relative to Christian villages of the Region, partly because of a higher birthrate and the fact that Pomak villages appear to be less affected by processes of urbanization.

The language spoken is a dialect of Bulgarian, with some introduced elements from Turkish.


History and Cultural Relations

The conversion to Islam that gave rise to the Pomaks may have begun as long ago as the early 1370s, and Pomak tradition holds that this conversion was accomplished forcibly, though there is little historical evidence that this was the caseit may be that here, as elsewhere, conversion was effected through economic, legal, and religious pressure. Still, the local perception of forced conversion is reinforced in indigenous song and legend. Adoption of Islam was not complete initially, and at first it may have consisted of minor changes in local practice and the adoption of a Muslim name, but as time went on the Pomaks took on other Muslim practices (e.g., the veiling of women). While Pomaks and Christians generally have interacted with little or no conflict, in those areas where Pomaks constituted a majority there was likely to be little or no reason for contact with Christian outsiders. In 1944, Bulgaria came under the control of a Communist regime, which instituted a policy of ethnic assimilation, profoundly suppressing the indigenous culture. (Since 1989, however, Pomaks have regained many cultural Freedoms.) In addition, a trend toward cash cropping and the mechanization of farm work have reduced the self-sufficiency and isolation of Pomak villages. In 1950, many Pomaks took advantage of a legal option to claim Turkish as their national identity and thus to emigrate to Turkey. Over the past several decades, the modernization of transportation and communications have drawn the Pomaks more and more into mainstream Bulgarian life, but they have maintained some degree of distinctiveness nonetheless.


Settlements

Pomak villages are nucleated, surrounded by the fields and pastures that form the venue for their peasant farming Economy. The traditional two-storied house serves as both a dwelling, on the upper floor, and a byre or animal stable, on the lower. These buildings are constructed of stone, wood, and clay, and traditionally they were topped by a sloping slate roof. Recently brick and cinderblock, as well as ceramic tiles for the roofs, have been introduced as building materials.


Economy

The Pomak economy centers upon agriculture, with animal husbandry (some cows, plus sheep and goats) constituting a second important element of it. Major crops are rye, barley, corn, flax, hemp, potatoes, and tobacco. Bread, potatoes, and beans, as well as yogurt and cheeses, lamb and goat meat, constitute the diet. The farm household traditionally functioned as a largely autonomous, self-sufficient production and consumption unit, with most necessary tasks carried out: by its members. However, communal work parties are regularly organized for larger projects, such as construction, or the production of handiwork (spinning, tobacco stringing). Tasks are allocated according to age and sex, and in the work parties, men and women tend to work separately. Pomak women are renowned weavers. Land and property are inherited patrilineally, by and large.

Kinship, Marriage, and Family

Pomaks trace descent patrilineally. Marriages were and continue to be arranged between the families of the prospective spouses, and they occur when both the bride and groom are still in their mid-to late teens, with the groom generally being only slightly older than the bride. Before marriage, the bride handcrafts a dowry of household items and clothing (carpets, blankets, clothing, and gifts for wedding guests). Polygyny, though countenanced by Islam, was never a frequent occurrence, and currently it is barred by law.

The Pomak household is made up of a patrilineally ordered extended family (zadruga ), which traditionally constituted the unit of both subsistence production and consumption.


Religion and Expressive Culture

Pomak religion, notwithstanding the Islamic influence, retains Christian and pre-Christian elements as well, and is grounded in the agricultural cycle. Rituals commemorating the feast days of certain Christian saints continue to be observed, while other ceremonial occasions, such as weddings, combine elements of both Christian and Muslim practice. While the Ramadan fast and other Muslim ritual occasions were once observed, these customs have fallen into disuse. The relative isolation of the Pomaks from mainstream Islam has allowed a certain syncretist tendency to continue unhindered.


Bibliography

Silverman, Carol (1984). "Pomaks." In Muslim Peoples: A World Ethnographic Survey, edited by Richard V. Weekes, 612-616. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press.

CAROL SILVERMAN