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Energy in the 1970s
ENERGY IN THE 1970sThe Source of ChangeA major source of the instability and change of the economy during the 1970s was energy. In early 1973 the United States faced shortages of electricity, gasoline, and heating oil, leading to the shutdown of factories and schools, the cancellation of some commercial airline flights, electrical brownouts, and lines at gasoline service stations. Blackouts plagued cities and industries, most spectacularly in New York City on 13-14 July 1977. High fuel prices reduced the productivity of American industry. Heavy imports of fuel harmed the U.S. balance of payments and destabilized the international monetary system. The EmbargoOn 6 October 1973 the Yom Kippur War between Israel and its Arab neighbors broke out. When the United States moved to support Israel, several of the oil-exporting nations of the Middle East cut off exports of oil on 19 October. The price of oil in December 1973 rocketed to between fourteen dollars and nineteen dollars per barrel, up from two and three dollars a year earlier. The energy problem quickly became an energy crisis. President Nixon addressed the nation on 7 November 1973 about the energy crisis and spoke about the trends that had caused the shortages:
CausesAmerica's energy dependency and crisis were caused by several factors. In the 1950s and 1960s strategic and geopolitical concerns had led the government to promote the imports of fuel from overseas, especially from the Middle East. Nixon's 1971 New Economic Policy had placed price controls on the entire economy, and while other restrictions were lifted, oil remained regulated, keeping the price artificially low to consumers and increasing demand. Americans were extravagant in their use of energy; few American-made cars got better than ten miles to the gallon; homes and businesses were poorly insulated and designed. Diverse special interests had skewed portions of the government's oversight and regulation of the oil industry toward their particular interests, and passing general legislation regarding energy became a political nightmare. Accordingly, efforts to develop a consistent energy policy throughout the 1970s were diluted and diverted—and the decade would end much as it began, with the United States wastefully consuming inordinate amounts of energy, and subject, once again, to an oil crisis. A National PolicyPresident Nixon, although hampered by the Watergate scandal, took steps to formulate a national energy policy. In June 1973 Nixon formed a federal Energy Policy Office, the forerunner of the Department of Energy. He asked Congress for the authority to relax environmental standards and regulate transportation schedules. Later in 1973 Congress authorized construction of the Trans-Alaska Pipeline to transport oil from well to port. William Simon was appointed to head the energy office, a position that came to be known as the "energy czar." Simon's ActionsSimon ordered refineries to produce more heating oil than gasoline, and year-round daylight savings time was ordered to begin on 6 January 1974, He also asked motorists to drive no faster than 55 MPH and service stations to limit individual sales and operating hours. Project IndependenceNixon also announced an ambitious program of longer-term remedies to the energy problem. Called Project Independence, the program had as its goal energy self-sufficiency for the United States by 1980. The technologies to be explored, studied, and possibly utilized in meeting the goal included fast breeder reactors, solar energy, geothermal energy, wind and hydroelectric power, coal liquefication, oil extraction, and nuclear fusion. Because of Watergate, Nixon was never able to implement his program. But Gerald Ford resubmitted the program to Congress in January 1975. Ford proposed a ten-year plan to build 200 nuclear-power plants, dig 250 new coal mines, construct 150 coal-fired power plants, erect 30 new oil refineries, and create 20 major synthetic-fuel plants. He also proposed the creation of a $100-billion synthetic and high-energy fuels program, under the supervision of Vice-president Nelson Rockefeller. Congress, balking at the cost of these programs, for the most part rejected them, but did mandate new fuel efficiency standards for American automobiles and authorized construction of the $10-billion Trans-Alaska Pipeline. Nuclear PowerUtility companies had been well aware of the coming energy shortage during the 1960s. One of their methods to prepare for the shortfall was to construct nuclear reactors. In January 1973 there were twenty-seven functioning reactors in the United States, providing only five percent of the power generated. Fifty-five plants were under construction, and an additional seventy-eight were in the planning stages. The majority, however, would never be built. Security expenses, nuclear-waste disposal costs, and construction overruns made the return on investment in nuclear-power plants slim. Seeking to assist the nuclear industry, the Ford administration in 1974 disbanded the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), which for twenty-eight years had overseen American nuclear development. In its place were constructed the more industry-friendly Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) and the Energy Research and Development Administration (ERDA), which was empowered to develop new energy sources and market American nuclear industry abroad. The NRC streamlined the licensing and commission of reactor projects, but many of the old problems remained. Safety was a pressing issue: fires at the Indian Point 2 reactor in New York in 1971, the Zion reactor in Illinois in 1974, the Trojan reactor in Oregon in 1974, and the Brown's Ferry reactor in Alabama in 1975 under-scored the potential for a catastrophic accident at nuclear plants. In 1975 the Union of Concerned Scientists presented the White House with a petition signed by two thousand scientists which called for a reduction in nuclear construction. Public opinion followed that of the scientists, and environmental groups increasingly challenged the construction of nuclear projects in the NRC and in the courts, delaying the deployment of projects and driving up the start-up costs. The 1978-1979 protests at the Seabrook nuclear power plant in New Hampshire were particularly vocal and drew national attention to the issue. Then, in the spring of 1979, an accident at the Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, Three Mile Island nuclear-power plant resulted in a partial core meltdown. Although no one was injured, the accident terrified the public and placed the future of the nuclear industry in jeopardy. Thus nuclear power was no more likely to resolve America's energy crisis in the 1980s than it had been in the 1970s. The Carter YearsPart of the problem with the energy crisis in the 1970s was the short attention span of the public. When the oil embargo precipitated soaring prices and cutbacks in supplies, the American people complained loudly of the energy crisis. Upon the restoration of fair prices and supplies, public attention lagged. Ford's energy program in part fell victim to this apathy, and so too did Jimmy Carter's. More than his predecessors, Carter was sensitive to the U.S. energy crisis. As a former submariner in the nuclear navy, Carter was familiar with the strategic and political dangers involved in a drifting energy policy. Upon election in 1976 Carter promised an energy policy within ninety days of his inauguration, and he kept his promise. Setting former Nixon secretary of defense James Schlesinger to the task of formulating the policy, Carter introduced it to the public in April of 1977. It was a mix of programs: deregulation of oil and gas prices in place since the Nixon administration; incentives for alternative energy development, especially gasohol, a mixture of gasoline and ethyl alcohol produced from corn; and the creation of the Department of Energy. Congress and the special interests gutted much of the program, and by 1979 Carter had returned to square one, attempting to forge a new energy policy in the wake of a new energy panic impelled by the 1979 Iranian revolution. The Effects on BusinessThe effects of the energy crisis and the attempts at governmental relief were myriad. The automobile industry bore the brunt of the change, being affected not only as a user of energy but also as the provider of gasoline-guzzling automobiles. Detroit lost a significant share of the domestic market to smaller, more-fuel-efficient imports in the wake of the 1973 embargo. Other manufacturers were faced with continual shortages of fuel oil, forcing many either to shut down or undergo expensive and time-consuming conversion to natural gas. Conversion called for capital expenditures, which were much more expensive given the high rates of interest from investors, concerned in part over the risk involved in oil investments and fueldependent industries. Risk also presented opportunities, and around the globe oil exploration expanded, particularly in Alaska, the North Sea, and Mexico. Oil companies, fearing projections that suggested inevitable depletion of their oil reserves, began to diversify their interests. Mobil Oil bought the Montgomery Ward chain of department stores, ARCO invested in copper, Exxon inaugurated an office-automation division, and Gulf Oil put in a bid for Ringling Bros, and Barnum & Bailey Circus. All told, however, the main effects of the energy crisis were higher costs, lower profitability, and sometimes, eventually, layoffs and bankruptcy. The 1979 ShockThe 1979 Iranian revolution resulted in a de facto embargo and virulent inflationary pressures. Following soaring fuel costs, by October 1979 the inflation rate was 12.2 percent. Interest rates briefly peaked above 20 percent. World oil markets were in disarray, shortages returned to the gas stations of America, and once again the public muttered darkly about oil companies hoarding gas in tankers offshore. The resulting economic slowdown caused massive unemployment, especially in the automobile industry. Carter scrambled to meet the emergency; he decontrolled the price of gas and slapped a "windfall profits tax" on oil companies to prevent price gouging. He reactivated Nelson Rockefeller's multibillion-dollar proposal to develop synthetic fuels and fired James Schlesinger. In his farewell speech to his staff, Schlesinger warned gravely of an "energy future bleak and …likely to grow bleaker in the decade ahead." For Carter that dismal future had already arrived. The recession of 1979-1981 was one of the most severe since the Great Depression and contributed to Carter's defeat in the presidential election of 1980. Source:Michael Barone, Our Country: The Shaping of America From Roosevelt to Reagan (New York: Free Press, 1990). |
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Cite this article
"Energy in the 1970s." American Decades. 2001. Encyclopedia.com. 10 Feb. 2012 <http://www.encyclopedia.com>. "Energy in the 1970s." American Decades. 2001. Encyclopedia.com. (February 10, 2012). http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-3468302605.html "Energy in the 1970s." American Decades. 2001. Retrieved February 10, 2012 from Encyclopedia.com: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-3468302605.html |
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sources of energy
sources of energy origins of the power used for transportation, for heat and light in dwelling and working areas, and for the manufacture of goods of all kinds, among other applications. The development of science and civilization is closely linked to the availability of energy in useful forms. Modern society consumes vast amounts of energy in all forms: light, heat, electrical, mechanical, chemical, and nuclear. The rate at which energy is produced or consumed is called power , although this term is sometimes used in common speech synonymously with energy.
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"sources of energy." The Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed.. 2008. Encyclopedia.com. 10 Feb. 2012 <http://www.encyclopedia.com>. "sources of energy." The Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed.. 2008. Encyclopedia.com. (February 10, 2012). http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1E1-energy-s.html "sources of energy." The Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed.. 2008. Retrieved February 10, 2012 from Encyclopedia.com: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1E1-energy-s.html |
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Natural Resources, Nonrenewable
Natural Resources, NonrenewableIt is common to subdivide natural resources into the non-renewable and renewable categories, respectively. The former, predominantly metals and fossil fuels, are derived from a limited stock, whose ultimate size is unknown. The supply of the latter, primarily of biological origin, relies on regeneration that can be repeated in perpetuity. This difference leads to frequent assertions that sustainability requires more reliance on renewables, to avoid, or at least delay, an impending and unavoidable depletion of nonrenewable resources. The differences in the conditions of long-term supply between the two categories are often exaggerated. Everything being equal, the supply of both tends to become more costly with expanded use, for that necessitates the employment of more meager mineral deposits and more marginal soils. Everything is not equal, however, and technological progress has more than compensated for this upward push, so that the real cost of mineral as well as agricultural output has tended to fall over time. Furthermore, examples of dramatic exhaustion are easier to quote from the renewable category. Witness how the forests disappeared in antique Italy and in seventeenth-century England, or the virtual extinction of cod in the world’s oceans in the late twentieth century. The fear of depletion of exhaustible resources is almost as old as humankind, but the available experience suggests that painful scarcity is less of an immediate threat than ever in history. Despite impressive growth rates in usage, which have raised present world consumption to many times that of the early or mid-twentieth century, the reserves of virtually all metal minerals and fossil fuels have expanded at even faster rates, through a combination of discovery and subsequent appreciation of the newfound deposits. Extraction costs show a falling trend in real terms, and the prices of most exhaustible resources have declined in parallel. All this is counter to the predictions of a dire future made by the Club of Rome in the early 1970s. These predictions completely missed the point, primarily because they neglected technological progress in exhaustible resource exploration and exploitation. There are no indications that the benign trends caused by technological innovation are in the process of reversal. Though in most cases, declining costs have resulted in falling prices, there are important exceptions. The price of oil has followed an upward trend in real terms ever since the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) took effective command of the oil market in the early 1970s. The cartel has been able to exercise market management to its advantage because its members control the world’s largest and most economical reserves, those in the Middle East. The most potent tool for maintaining monopolistic pricing in the oil market has been a virtual arrest since the late 1970s in the cartel’s expansion of capacity to exploit this resource wealth. The prices of petroleum have spilled over to other fossil fuels, since the latter can substitute for oil in many cases. Monopolistic market conditions are likely to be maintained so long as the cartel remains in charge. The prices of virtually all primary materials, exhaustible as well as renewable, rose impressively in the first half of the 2000s. The price of oranges and rice increased by 50 percent between 2002 and 2005, coffee went up by 68 percent, and rubber by 95 percent. The price of oil doubled while the prices of nickel and copper increased by even more. This was the third powerful and general commodity boom since World War II (1939–1945). As was the case with commodity booms during the time periods between 1950 and 1951 and between 1973 and 1974, this boom was triggered by a sudden and sizable demand expansion at a time when inventories were small and no slack capacity existed to satisfy the surge. As on previous occasions, the rising prices were temporarily decoupled from the costs of production. The demand shock centered on 2004 was primarily due to a very fast growth in world gross domestic product (GDP). The new phenomenon was that the economies of several large developing countries, notably China and India but also Brazil and Indonesia, expanded at voracious rates, and contributed strongly to the global boom. The successful growth performance in those nations was primarily due to the economic liberalization measures implemented during preceding decades. An intensified participation in the integration of the global economy was a key factor behind these countries’ impressive growth rates. At the present stage of their economic development, involving industrialization, urbanization, and the buildup of infrastructure, these economies are very intensive resource users. This accentuated the demand shock in the raw materials markets. Normality will likely return to these markets before the end of the 2000s, just as it did a few years after the outbreak of the earlier commodity booms. The year 2004 was exceptional in terms of global growth, unlikely to be repeated in the near future. The profitability of the natural resource industries at the prevailing prices is exceedingly high, so the incentive to invest in capacity expansion is strong. Sizable investment efforts are also under implementation. Building new capacity will take several years to complete, but once that capacity becomes operational, and the supply can increase, prices are bound to fall, to reflect once more the cost of production. Oil is an exception in this regard. The cartel’s efforts to keep capacity constrained may permit it to continue extracting monopolistic prices. Successful globalization could well result in higher world economic growth than was attained in past decades. But there is no reason to believe that this will compromise the nonrenewable natural resources availability. The world is still very far from the bottom of the barrel of the resource wealth, and with continued cost-reducing technological progress, it is uncertain whether that bottom will ever be seen. Faster growth in the demand for natural resource commodities can easily be accommodated by a more speedy supply expansion, but producers must be given a sufficiently early warning of what to expect in order to adjust their production capacity. Successful globalization brings prospects for a speedier increase in the incomes of the poor in this world, which should be seen as a blessing and not a resource threat. BIBLIOGRAPHYRadetzki, Marian. 2002. Is Resource Depletion a Threat to Human Progress? Oil and Other Critical Exhaustible Materials. Energy Sustainable Development: A Challenge for the New Century (Energex2002 ). Krakow: Mineral and Energy Economy Research Institute, Polish Academy of Sciences. Tilton, John. 2003. On Borrowed Time? Assessing the Threat of Mineral Depletion. Washington, DC: Resources for the Future. Marian Radetzki |
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Cite this article
"Natural Resources, Nonrenewable." International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. 2008. Encyclopedia.com. 10 Feb. 2012 <http://www.encyclopedia.com>. "Natural Resources, Nonrenewable." International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. 2008. Encyclopedia.com. (February 10, 2012). http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-3045301711.html "Natural Resources, Nonrenewable." International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. 2008. Retrieved February 10, 2012 from Encyclopedia.com: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-3045301711.html |
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energy sources
energy sources Naturally occurring substances, processes and phenomena from which we obtain energy. The vast majority of energy derives from the Sun. Fossil fuels are the remains of life that depended for growth on solar energy. Hydroelectricity also derives from solar energy, which maintains the Earth's hydrological cycle, while uneven heating of the atmosphere generates wind, whose energy harnessed by wind farms. The movements of the oceans, namely waves and tides, controlled by wind and the pull of the Sun and Moon, have been used successfully in some regions to create energy. Increasingly, solar energy is being used to heat some domestic water supplies directly, and for providing electricity from photoelectric cells. Geothermal energy is energy obtained from underground hot rocks. See also nuclear energy; renewable energy
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"energy sources." World Encyclopedia. 2005. Encyclopedia.com. 10 Feb. 2012 <http://www.encyclopedia.com>. "energy sources." World Encyclopedia. 2005. Encyclopedia.com. (February 10, 2012). http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1O142-energysources.html "energy sources." World Encyclopedia. 2005. Retrieved February 10, 2012 from Encyclopedia.com: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1O142-energysources.html |
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nonrenewable energy sources
nonrenewable energy sources Sources of energy that use up the earth's finite mineral resources; these include fossil fuels. Concern about the exhaustion of nonrenewable energy sources, together with the fact that burning fossil fuels contributes to air pollution and the greenhouse effect, is leading to increased use or investigation of renewable energy resources, which are not exhaustible. These include the sun (for solar heating and solar cells), wind power (for aerogenerators) and water (for hydroelectric generators).
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"nonrenewable energy sources." A Dictionary of Biology. 2004. Encyclopedia.com. 10 Feb. 2012 <http://www.encyclopedia.com>. "nonrenewable energy sources." A Dictionary of Biology. 2004. Encyclopedia.com. (February 10, 2012). http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1O6-nonrenewableenergysources.html "nonrenewable energy sources." A Dictionary of Biology. 2004. Retrieved February 10, 2012 from Encyclopedia.com: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1O6-nonrenewableenergysources.html |
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non-renewable resource
non-renewable resource (finite resource) Resource that is concentrated or formed at a rate very much slower than its rate of consumption and thus, for all practical purposes, is non-renewable. Compare RENEWABLE RESOURCE.
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AILSA ALLABY and MICHAEL ALLABY. "non-renewable resource." A Dictionary of Earth Sciences. 1999. Encyclopedia.com. 10 Feb. 2012 <http://www.encyclopedia.com>. AILSA ALLABY and MICHAEL ALLABY. "non-renewable resource." A Dictionary of Earth Sciences. 1999. Encyclopedia.com. (February 10, 2012). http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1O13-nonrenewableresource.html AILSA ALLABY and MICHAEL ALLABY. "non-renewable resource." A Dictionary of Earth Sciences. 1999. Retrieved February 10, 2012 from Encyclopedia.com: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1O13-nonrenewableresource.html |
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non-renewable resource
non-renewable resource(finite resource) A resource that is concentrated or formed at a rate very much slower than its rate of consumption. Compare renewable resource.
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MICHAEL ALLABY. "non-renewable resource." A Dictionary of Ecology. 2004. Encyclopedia.com. 10 Feb. 2012 <http://www.encyclopedia.com>. MICHAEL ALLABY. "non-renewable resource." A Dictionary of Ecology. 2004. Encyclopedia.com. (February 10, 2012). http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1O14-nonrenewableresource.html MICHAEL ALLABY. "non-renewable resource." A Dictionary of Ecology. 2004. Retrieved February 10, 2012 from Encyclopedia.com: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1O14-nonrenewableresource.html |
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