social welfare. From 1924 until 1947 health and social welfare in independent Ireland were the responsibility of the minister for local government, a situation which reflected the relatively low priority given to both areas. With the abolition of the
poor law, counties and county boroughs replaced poor law unions as the primary unit of welfare administration, and an attempt was made to separate welfare provision from the provision of medical services. Development of both health and welfare services was hampered by economic depression, and by the reluctance of both central and local authorities to increase levels of
taxation. The election of the first
Fianna Fáil government in 1932 saw the adoption of a more progressive approach to social welfare with improvements to old‐age pensions, increased allowances for widows and orphans, and a more generous unemployment assistance regime. Official attitudes, however, continued to be predicated upon a distinction between the deserving and undeserving poor. Home assistance was administered, as outdoor relief had been, in a manner deliberately designed to discourage people from applying for it. It was not until 1977 that a right to benefit was recognized under the Supplementary Welfare Allowance Act, which introduced means‐tested benefits paid weekly at a standard rate.
Increased expenditure in the 1960s permitted the extension of social insurance and the introduction of a number of new welfare allowances, including benefits for deserted wives, prisoners' wives, and unmarried mothers. The various different forms of benefit and assistance were integrated into a comprehensive social insurance scheme in the 1970s. Social insurance contributions became mandatory for most categories of employee in 1974. At the same time benefit payments were linked to salary levels. In the mid‐1980s almost one‐third of the adult population were receiving social welfare payments. Lower‐income groups bear a disproportionate share of the cost of the present welfare system, via the taxes on expenditure which comprise a major share of total tax revenue.
In
Northern Ireland ministers were committed to attaining parity with benefit rates in Britain, but this was achieved in the decades after
partition only at the expense of other welfare services, such as the provision of health and sanitation facilities. Local authority housing remained, in many places, insufficient in quantity and substandard. Those outside the benefit system were forced, as in the past, to resort to the poor law. In the post‐war endorsed by the British government. Northern Ireland thus acquired most aspects of the Beveridge welfare state, although the welfare system remained more restrictive than in Great Britain and was maintained only with the aid of substantial subsidies. By the end of the 1950s Northern Ireland had moved significantly ahead of the Republic in the provision of social services. The gap has since narrowed. Expenditure under social welfare schemes remains higher in Northern Ireland than in the Republic (amounting in 1981 to IR£546 and IR£371 per head respectively), reflecting the age structure, higher unemployment rate, and more liberal eligibility conditions found in Northern Ireland.
See also
poor relief.
Bibliography
Breen, R.,, Hannan, D. F.,, Rottman, D. B.,, and and Whelan, C. T. , Understanding Contemporary Ireland: State, Class and Development in the Republic of Ireland (1990)
Harkness, David , Northern Ireland since 1920 (1983)
Virginia Crossman