Ethnography
Ethnography
The data of cultural anthropology derive ultimately from the direct observation of customary behavior in particular societies. Making, reporting, and evaluating such observations are the tasks of ethnography. Although the successful carrying out of these tasks is intimately related to the validity of cultural and social anthropological interpretations, ethnography itself has received little serious attention. However, as the social sciences have become more critical of their source materials, more concerned with how data are recorded, verified, and analyzed, interest has developed in ethnographic method and theory and in the more technical and personal aspects of conducting ethnographic research.
While the scope and definition of ethnography have varied considerably and opinions differ on many details, contemporary usage does permit a few general terminological distinctions and implications. An ethnographer is an anthropologist who attempts–at least in part of his professional work –to record and describe the culturally significant behaviors of a particular society. Ideally, this description, an ethnography, requires a long period of intimate study and residence in a small, well-defined community, knowledge of the spoken language, and the employment of a wide range of observational techniques including prolonged face-to-face contacts with members of the local group, direct participation in some of that group’s activities, and a greater emphasis on intensive work with informants than on the use of documentary or survey data. Used nonspecifically, ethnography refers to the discipline concerned with producing such cultural descriptions. With a regional reference (e.g., “Polynesian ethnography”), the term designates either the way in which ethnography is conceived and practiced in the area or the collective or comparative treatment of the ethnographies written about the peoples living in the region. This last usage is frequently referred to as comparative ethnology, or simply ethnology [see ETHNOLOGY].
History of ethnography
Although the roots of ethnographic description are lost in antiquity and most observations and interpretations (or misinterpretations) of human societies have continued to be transmitted orally, some early written accounts have been preserved. Permanent documentation of such observations increased markedly with European voyages of discovery and exploration. Despite organizational and stylistic differences, it is possible to discern in the literature the transition from the curious recountings of strange, exotic, or bizarre practices to the present attempts at producing valid cultural descriptions. In comparing the successive steps in this transition, one should note changes not only in the content and purpose of ethnography but also in the preparation and background of the investigators and in the circumstances under which field work is conducted. (It is impossible to treat in detail many individual and institutional differences, such as the varying views of ethnographic work among American, British, and European anthropologists; see, for example, Eggan 1961; Firth 1957; Gluckman 1961; Griaule 1957; Kroeber 1957; Lowie 1953; Richards 1939.)
Early ethnography. Beginning in the late fifteenth century and continuing for several hundred years, descriptions of unfamiliar cultural practices were written largely as a result of explorations, missionizing, and the establishment of colonial governments and outposts (see Howell 1642; Rowe 1964). Although there were some exceptional reports such as Pigafetta’s observations on Cebu, included in his chronicle of the Magellan voyage (1525), and the extensive Mexican texts recorded in the sixteenth century by Sahagún (see Sahagún, General History of the Things of New Spain), the dominant form of early ecclesiastic and governmental records was ethnographically unimpressive. In the nineteenth century, as territorial exploration intensified and the writings of natural historians, travelers, and museum collectors began to augment missionary and official documents, ethnographic inquiry became a somewhat more organized procedure. Many questionnaires, lists, instructions, and regional guides were written (see Lewis 1814; British Association . . . 1852; Neumayer 1875). In Europe and the United States, professional anthropological societies were supported at first by travelers, government employees, and other amateurs and later encouraged by museums. Institutionalization stimulated the publication of monograph series devoted largely to cultural descriptions (notably, for example, the publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology, the American Ethnological Society, and the larger natural history museums). Landmarks include Morgan’s account of Seneca culture (1851), such turn-of-the-century reports of field research as Rivers’ study of the Toda (1906), and a few refreshingly innovating works like Barton’s study of Ifugao law (1919), in which the value of the case-method approach is demonstrated. Up to the end of World War i vast quantities of published ethnographic material had accumulated from many regions, but although some scholars (such as Boas) had begun to work in depth with informants on particular linguistic and other cultural problems (see Jakobson 1959; Smith 1959), most of this literature had been produced by nonanthropologists (e.g., Morgan was a lawyer, Barton a schoolteacher and dentist), who for a variety of reasons had become attracted to the subject matter, and in the course of short visits, surveys, or by accidental association, had acquired sufficient field experience to write interesting accounts of their observations. Toward the end of this period, museums provided most of the support for field research. In general, ethnographic inquiry was correspondingly dominated by object-centered interests, a standardized topical format for observation and recording, and extensive use of interpreters. [see BOAS; MORGAN, LEWIS HENRY; RIVERS.] Ethnography before World War II. By 1925 ethnographic field work had become an established professional activity. There was a distinct shift away from mere acceptance of field work toward a more critical and craftsmanlike attention to its execution, a shift from a dominant concern with data accumulation to the deeper analysis of particular cultural patterns. Many of these changes resulted directly from the influence of Malinowski’s reports (especially 1922; 1935) based on his lengthy and detailed observations in the Trobriand Islands. His insistence on using the local language, residing for a long time with the group being studied, and delineating functionally related cultural phenomena in specifiable contexts spurred serious rethinking of many aspects of ethnographic research [see MALINOWSKI]. Increased interest in cultural contexts led to a concern with the ethnographer’s role in the field situation and a more careful assessment of the way in which field data are recorded (Mauss 1947; Mead 1947; Osgood 1940). Partly as a result of developments in linguistics, sociology, and psychology, ethnographers began to show greater interest in general theory and descriptive methods, as well as to take advantage of an expanded range of research techniques such as the recording of life histories, the administering of pro-jective tests, and the extensive use of film. Field inquiry was increasingly guided by an interest in general problems of cultural variability and of the nature of cultural universals. In the 1930s, attempts to provide needed ethnographic information for trait analysts and hypothesis testers led to various forms of standardization, such as the Outline of Cultural Materials (Yale University 1938), to help organize the recording and cross-indexing of field observations. This development aided quantitative and comparative studies and expanded significantly the existing inventories of cultural detail.
The detail, however, often lacked contextual specification, and these efforts thus drew attention to the inherent weakness of relying on prepared formats to guide functionally oriented field research. Similar criticism and experimentation with many field methods and techniques helped to meet the new demands of higher research standards. During this phase the influence of museum sponsorship and amateur ethnography declined. Field workers were mostly trained as anthropologists in graduate university departments and were supported by private foundation and government grants.
Ethnography after 1950. Following World War II, ethnography began to attract more theoretical and methodological attention. Of particular note was the renewed and expanded interest in classification, which is crucially important (Needham 1963, pp. vii-ix). There was also an increased emphasis on communications systems and structural models (e.g., Levi-Strauss 1958); on the extension of principles developed in structural linguistics to ethnographic descriptions (e.g., Goodenough 1951); on the detailed study of cultural subsystems (e.g., Conklin 1957; Frake 1964b; Pospisil 1958); on contrasts between qualitative and quantitative aspects of field observations (Leach 1961); and on the development of more effective means of accounting for both cultural and personal variables in actual field situations (Condominas 1966). At the beginning of this phase there was a marked increase in the numbers of professional ethnographers, in sources of support, and in opportunities for field work.
Theory and method
The cumulative efforts of ethnographers to go beyond the uncritical narrative and rambling presentation of assumed cultural detail have focused on determining what constitutes a valid cultural description, on developing a theory that permits evaluation of alternative descriptions, and on formulating methods that may be most effective in deriving general statements from recorded observations. For example, it has been suggested that ideally an ethnography constitutes a cultural grammar, an abstract theory which provides the rules for producing, anticipating, and interpreting appropriate cultural behaviors in given settings (Conklin 1964; Frake 1964a; Goodenough 1957). Ethnographic theory, in this view, is concerned with evaluative criteria such as completeness (in both depth and breadth), conciseness, and accuracy. New approaches for providing reliable, valid, and more revealing field analyses have included (1) the formal treatment of cultural subsystems in which the relevant cultural phenomena are discretely organized or relationally describable in terms of a small number of dimensional contrasts or processes–componential definitions and formulaic reduction and rearrangement of terms by specified rules have been applied most frequently to kinship analysis (see Lounsbury 1964); and (2) the intracultural analysis of folk classifications, especially those of natural phenomena. The study of folk science (see Colby 1964) has led to a number of developments such as the more specific analysis of folk taxonomies (Berlin et al. 1966; Conklin 1962). Together with other types of contrast-set, subsegregate, and network linkage analysis, these efforts have sometimes been referred to as ethnoscience (Sturtevant 1964). Problems of alternative methodological procedures (Burling 1963) and of multiple contexts and code channels (Hymes 1962) are also being examined. The principles guiding many recent efforts reflect influences from linguistics, logic, mathematics, and systematic biology. Early results of their application in ethnography are, in turn, stimulating developments in such fields as sociology (Cicourel 1964) and archeology (Chang 1967). Furthermore, it is generally agreed, even where opinions on the nature of valid evidence differ widely (e.g., Metzger 1965), that theory and method as well as technique must be constantly tested in the field. [see COGNITIVE THEORY; COMMUNICATION; COMPONENTIAL ANALYSIS.]
Techniques
Instruments for gathering, storing, retrieving, rearranging, expressing, and using field data while still in the field have multiplied with technical developments (Kano & Segawa 1945; Rowe 1953). Tape recording, cinematography, photogrammetry, aerial mapping, and the use of computers in text and demographic analysis are only a few of the frequently employed technical developments in the treatment of ethnographic data. Selecting from among these many devices and varied interactional techniques those most appropriate for keeping ethnographic records is a complex task. The ethnographer tries not to rely upon published outlines and questionnaires; he shuns interviews with informants carried out in artificial settings; and he avoids premature quantification or overdifferentiated measurement. Initially, at least, flexibility, curiosity, patience, and experimentation with many alternative devices and procedures are desirable. In everyday conversations between field worker and informant, for example, attention to and use of such verbal techniques as the following have been used profitably, although not always with equal success: recording and using natural question and comment frames (i.e., the ways in which information is normally solicited and transmitted in the local language); noting and using question-response sequences and implications; testing by intentional substitution of acceptable and incongruent references; testing by paraphrase; testing by reference to hypothetical situations; testing by experimental extensions of reference; and testing by switching styles, channels, code signals, message content, and roles (by reference or impersonation). Similarly, in the making of visual and nonverbal observations initial experimentation and flexibility help to determine focuses and boundaries of scenes, scheduled events, key roles, etc. Graphic and plastic modeling media have provided additional dimensions for the exploration of actual or hypothetical situations otherwise not easily investigated. Furthermore, ethnomodels, often ignored or treated only anecdotally, may clarify and facilitate field observation. When local systems have been qualitatively established, other procedures such as scaling techniques may be applied to increase the range of observations and provide some basis for quantification by various kinds of discrete, direct, or indirect measures. As available technology makes more elaborate manipulation of field data possible, greater attention can be given to informant-ethnographer interaction, not only in terms of eliciting routines but also with reference to critical and probabilistic changes in the micro-sociological environment. [see INTERVIEWING.]
Personnel. Because ethnographers interact personally and socially with informants, they find themselves carrying on a unique type of natural history, in which the observer becomes a part of (and an active participant in) the observed universe. The extent of this involvement and its importance for ethnographic recording depend on many situational considerations, including the personalities of the ethnographer and his informants. In some types of field inquiry the ethnographer’s practical success or failure may depend as much on those impressions he makes locally (Goffman 1956) as on the cultural events being observed. Informal recognition of these variables is frequently reflected in the nontechnical literature and in humorous anecdotes circulated among colleagues. More systematic accounts of these personal background factors and their consequences have appeared with increasing frequency (e.g., Berreman 1962; Casagrande 1960). Especially where long-term investigation of intimate personal relationships is concerned, most anthropologists would agree with Condominas (1965, p. 35) in stressing the “necessite d’ethnographier les ethnographes.” Methods of assessing such contextual information are not yet well developed, but more careful and sensitive reporting of the kinds of transactions involved in ethnographic inquiry (Oliver 1958) and of the total spectrum of social involvements affecting these transactions (Junker 1960; Mintz 1960) may lead to the desired awareness, and thus to appropriate adjustments in continued research. The possibility of combining such sensitivity with technical mastery of ethnographic analysis has been dramatically illustrated in recent contributions by Paul Friedrich (see Tagari 1964) and Laura Bohannan (1966). [see OBSERVATION.]
Translation. The problems of ethnography are in the largest sense those of translation. Eventually, all observations must be “translated” into the ethnographer’s descriptive code. Thus, linguistic theory, and translation theory in particular, has special relevance for ethnography (Gumperz & Hymes 1964; Nida 1964). And although ethnography and linguistics are not identical, they are to some extent mutually dependent (Hockett 1954). Furthermore, in spite of the fact that much ethnographic research concerns nonverbal behaviors, observations of even the most inarticulate cultural process are often identified, tallied, and even quantified by means of informant-expressed judgments. General linguistic and anthropological interest in semantic theory has been very responsive to discussions of ethnographic problems (e.g., Colby 1966; Conklin 1962; Lamb 1966; Romney & D’Andrade 1964; cf. Malinowski 1935). In particular, attention has been drawn to the diversity of semiotic relations, the multiplicity of contexts and related communication systems, and the importance of contrastive analysis of complete terminological sets [see SEMANTICS AND SEMIOTICS].
Since 1950 the critical re-evaluation of theory and practice has led to greater appreciation of the technical and human problems that are inherent in ethnographic research. Intellectual excitement and controversy have intensified efforts to refine methods for reducing apparent cultural complexity and indeterminacy to clear, systematic, and effective statements.
HAROLD C. CONKLIN
[Directly related are the entriesANTHROPOLOGY; COMPONENTIAL ANALYSIS; FIELD WORK; LANGUAGE, article onLANGUAGE AND CULTURE; LINGUISTICS; SEMANTICS AND SEMIOTICS.]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Significant sources other than those listed below may be found in the bibliographies of Colby 1966; Conklin 1962; 1964; Nida 1964; Sturtevant 1964. The articles and appended references in the following collections should also be consulted: Adams & Preiss 1960; Casagrande 1960; Firth 1957; Gumperz & Hymes 1964; Romney & D’Andrade 1964. Most of the early references in this bibliography consist of guides, questionnaires, or sets of instructions to explorers, travelers, and collectors. Other items are listed only if cited in the text.
ADAMS, RICHARD N.; and PREISS, JACK J. (editors) 1960 Human Organization Research: Field Relations and Techniques. Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey.
BARTON, ROY F. 1919 Ifugao Law. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 15, No. 1. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.
BERLIN, BRENT; BREEDLOVE, DENNIS E.; and RAVEN, PETER H. 1966 Folk Taxonomies and Biological Classifications. Science 154, no. 3746:273–275.
BERLIN, K. MUSEEN, MUSEUM FÜR VÖLKERKUNDE 1896 Instruction für ethnographische Beobachtungen und Sammlungen in Central Ostafrika. Berlin: The Museum.
BERREMAN, GERALD D. 1962 Behind Many Masks: Ethnography and Impression Management in a Himalayan Village. Society for Applied Anthropology, Monograph No. 4. Ithaca, N.Y.: The Society.
BOHANNAN, LAURA 1966 Shakespeare in the Bush. Natural History 75, no. 7:28–33.
BRITISH ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE 1852 A Manual of Ethnological Inquiry: Being a Series of Questions Concerning the Human Race, for the Use of Travellers and Others, in Studying the Varieties of Man. London: Taylor & Francis.
BRITISH ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE (1874) 1951 Notes and Queries on Anthropology. 6th ed., rev. London: Routledge.
BRITISH MUSEUM, DEPARTMENT OF THE BRITISH AND MEDIAEVAL ANTIQUITIES AND ETHNOGRAPHY, BUREAU OF ETHNOGRAPHY 1905 Anthropological Queries for Central Africa. Compiled by C. H. Read. London: The Museum.
BURLING, R. 1963 Garo Kinship Terms and the Analysis of Meaning. Ethnology 2:70–85.
CASAGRANDE, JOSEPH B. (editor) 1960 In the Company of Man: Twenty Portraits by Anthropologists. New York: Harper.
[CASS, LEWIS] 1823 Inquiries Respecting the History, Traditions, Languages, Manners, Customs, Religion, etc., of the Indians Living in the United States. Detroit, Mich.: Sheldon & Reed.
CHANG, KWANG-CHIH 1967 Rethinking Archaeology. New York: Random House.
CICOUREL, AARON V. 1964 Method and Measurement in Sociology. New York: Free Press.
COLBY, B. N. 1964 Folk Science Studies. Palacio 70, no. 4:5–14.
COLBY, B. N. 1966 Ethnographic Semantics: A Preliminary Survey. Current Anthropology 7:3–32.
CONDOMINAS, GEORGES 1965 L’exotique est quotidien: Sar Luk, Viet-nam Central. Paris: Plon.
CONKLIN, HAROLD C. 1957 Hanunoo Agriculture: A Report on an Integral System of Shifting Cultivation in the Philippines. FAO Forestry Development Paper No. 12. Rome: Food and Agriculture Organization.
CONKLIN, HAROLD C. 1962 Lexicographical Treatment of Folk Taxonomies. Pages 119–141 in Conference on Lexicography, Indiana University, 1960, Problems in Lexicography. Edited by Fred W. Householder and Sol Saporta. Bloomington: Indiana Univ., Research Center in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics. ? Also published as Volume 28, no. 2, part 4 of the International Journal of American Linguistics, and as Publication No. 21 of Indiana University, Research Center in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics.
CONKLIN, HAROLD C. 1964 Ethnogenealogical Method. Pages 25–55 in Ward H. Goodenough (editor), Explorations in Cultural Anthropology: Essays in Honor of George Peter Murdoch. New York: McGraw-Hill.
EGGAN, FRED 1961 Ethnographic Data in Social Anthropology in the United States. Sociological Review 9: 19–26.
FIRTH, RAYMOND (editor) (1957) 1964 Man and Culture: An Evaluation of the Work of Bronislaw Malinowski. New York: Harper.
FOUCART, GEORGE 1919 Introductory Questions on African Ethnology. Cairo: Printing Office of the French Institute of Oriental Archaeology.
FRAKE, CHARLES O. 1964a Notes on Queries in Ethnography. American Anthropologist New Series 66, no. 3, part 2:132–145.
FRAKE, CHARLES O. 1964b A Structural Account of Subanun “Religious Behavior.” Pages 111–129 in Ward H. Goodenough (editor), Explorations in Cultural Anthropology: Essays in Honor of George Peter Murdoch. New York: McGraw-Hill.
FRAZER, JAMES G. (1907) 1916 Questions on the Customs, Beliefs and Languages of Savages. Cambridge Univ. Press.
GLUCKMAN, MAX 1961 Ethnographic Data in British Social Anthropology. Sociological Review 9:5–17.
GOFFMAN, ERVING (1956) 1959 The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday.
GOODENOUGH, WARD H. 1951 Property, Kin, and Community on Truh. Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 46. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press.
GOODENOUGH, WARD H. (1957) 1964 Cultural Anthropology and Linguistics. Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., Institute of Languages and Linguistics, Monograph Series on Languages and Linguistics No. 9:167–173.
GRIAULE, MARCEL 1957 Méthode de I’ethnographie. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
GUMPERZ, JOHN J.; and HYMES, DELL H. (editors) 1964 The Ethnography of Communication. American Anthropologist New Series, Special Issue 66, no. 6, part 2.
HOCKETT, CHARLES (1954) 1958 Chinese Versus English: An Exploration of the Whorfian Theses. Pages 106–123 in Harry Hoijer (editor), Language and Culture: Conference on the Interrelations of Language and Other Aspects of Culture. Univ. of Chicago Press. ? See also Hockett’s comments in the discussion.
HOCKETT, CHARLES 1964 Scheduling. Pages 125–144 in F. S. C. Northrop and Helen H. Livingston (editors), Cross-cultural Understanding: Epistemology in Anthropology. New York: Harper.
HOWELL, JAMES (1642) 1895 Instructions for Forreine Travell. London: Moseley.
HYMES, DELL H. 1962 The Ethnography of Speaking. Pages 13–53 in Anthropological Society of Washington, Anthropology and Human Behavior. Washington: The Society.
JACKSON, JOHN R. 1834 Aide-mémoire du voyageur: Ou questions relatives a la geographie physique et poli-tique, etc. Paris: Bellizard.
JAKOBSON, ROMAN 1959 Boas’ View of Grammatical Meaning. Pages 139–145 in Walter Goldschmidt (editor), The Anthropology of Franz Boas. American Anthropological Association, Memoir No. 89. Menasha, Wise.: The Association.
JUNKER, BUFORD H. (1960) 1962 Field Work: An Introduction to the Social Sciences. Univ. of Chicago Press.
KANO, TADAO; and SEGAWA, KOKICHI (1945) 1956 An Illustrated Ethnography of Formosan Aborigines. Volume 1: The Yami. Rev. ed. Tokyo: Maruzen.
KELLER, ALBERT G. 1903 Queries in Ethnography. New York and London: Longmans.
KIRSCHBAUM, FRANZ J.; and FÜRER-HAIMENDORF, CHRISTOPH VON 1934 Anleitung zu ethnographischen und linguistischen Forschungen mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Verhältnisse auf Neuguinea und den umliegenden Inseln. St. Gabriel-Mödling (Austria): Verlag “Anthropos.”
KROEBER, ALFRED L. 1957 Ethnographic Interpretations: 1–6. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 47, No. 2. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press. ? See especially Chapter 1, “What Ethnography Is.”
LAMB, SYDNEY M. 1966 Epilegomena to a Theory of Language. Romance Philology 19:531–573.
LEACH, EDMUND R. 1961 Pul Eliya, a Village in Ceylon: A Study of Land Tenure and Kinship. Cambridge Univ. Press.
LÉVI-STRAUSS, CLAUDE (1958) 1963 Structural Anthropology. New York: Basic Books. > First published in French.
LÉVI-STRAUSS, CLAUDE 1966 Anthropology: Its Achievements and Future. Current Anthropology 7:124–127.
LÉWIS, MERIWETHER (1814) 1922 History of the Expedition Under the Command of Captains Lewis and Clark to the Sources of the Missouri, … 3 vols. New York: Allerton. ? A questionnaire for Lewis and Clark’s ethnographic observations is included in Volume 1, pages xxvii-xxviii. A paperback edition was published in 1965 by Dover.
LOUNSBURY, FLOYD G. 1964 A Formal Account of the Crow- and Omaha-type Kinship Terminologies. Pages 351–393 in Ward H. Goodenough (editor), Explorations in Cultural Anthropology: Essays in Honor of George Peter Murdoch. New York: McGraw-Hill.
LOWIE, ROBERT H. 1953 Ethnography, Cultural and Social Anthropology. American Anthropologist New Series 55:527–534.
LUSCHAN, FELIX VON (1904) 1909 Anleitung für ethnographische Beobachtungen und Sammlungen in Afrika und Oceanien. 3d ed. Berlin: Unger.
LUSCHAN, FELIX VON 1906 Anthropologie, Ethnographie und Urgeschichte. Volume 2, pages 1–123 in Georg von Neumayer (editor), Anleitung zu wissenschaftlichen Beobachtungen auf Reisen. 3d ed. Hanover (Germany): Jänecke.
MALINOWSKI, BRONISLAW (1922) 1960 Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea. London School of Economics and Political Science, Studies, No. 65. London: Routledge; New York: Dutton. ? A paperback edition was published in 1961 by Dutton.
MALINOWSKI, BRONISLAW (1935) 1965 Coral Gardens and Their Magic. 2 vols., with a new introduction by E. R. Leach. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press. ? Volume 1: Soil-tilling and Agricultural Rites in the Trobriand Islands. Volume 2: The Language of Magic and Gardening.
MARIN, Louis (1924) 1925 Questionnaire d’ethnographie: Tables d’analyse en ethnographie. Alencon (France): Laverdure. ? First published in the Bulletin of the Société d’Ethnographie de Paris.
MAUSS, MARCEL 1947 Manuel d’ethnographie. Paris: Payot.
MEAD, MARGARET 1947 The Mountain Arapesh: III. Socio-economic Life. IV. Diary of Events in Alitoa. American Museum of Natural History, Anthropological Papers 40, part 3.
METZGER, DUANE 1965 [A Review of] The Nature of Cultural Things, by Marvin Harris. American Anthropologist New Series 67:1293–1296.
MINTZ, SIDNEY W. 1960 Worker in the Cane: A Puerto Rican Life History. Caribbean Series, II. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press.
MORGAN, LEWIS HENRY (1851) 1962 The League of the Iroquois. New York: Citadel. ? First published as The League of the Ho-de-no-sau-nee, or Iroquois. A 1901 edition was edited with many notes by Herbert M. Lloyd. A two-volume paperback edition, a reprint of the 1901 edition, was published by the Human Relations Area Files in 1954.
NEEDHAM, RODNEY 1963 Introduction. Pages vii-xlvii in Émile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, Primitive Classification. Translated and edited by Rodney Needham. Univ. of Chicago Press.
NEUMAYER, GEORG VON (editor) 1875 Anleitung zu wissenschaftlichen Beobachtungen auf Reisen. 2 vols. Berlin: Oppenheim.
NIDA, EUGENE A. 1964 Toward a Science of Translating. Leiden (Netherlands): Brill.
OLIVER, DOUGLAS 1958 An Ethnographer’s Method for Formulating Descriptions of “Social Structure.” American Anthropologist New Series 60:801–826.
OSGOOD, CORNELIUS 1940 Ingalik Material Culture. Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 22. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press.
PIGAFETTA, ANTONIO (1525) 1906 Magellan’s Voyage Around the World. Edited by James A. Robertson. 2 vols. Cleveland: Clark.
POSPISIL, LEOPOLD 1958 Kapauku Papuans and Their Law. Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 54. New Haven: Yale Univ., Dept. of Anthropology.
RICHARDS, AUDREY I. 1939 The Development of Field Work Methods in Social Anthropology. Pages 272–316 in Frederic C. Bartlett et al. (editors), The Study of Society. New York: Macmillan.
RIVERS, WILLIAM H. R. 1906 The Todas. New York and London: Macmillan.
ROMNEY, A. KIMBALL; and D’ANDRADE, ROY GOODWIN (editors) 1964 Transcultural Studies in Cognition. American Anthropologist New Series 66, no. 3, part 2. ? A special issue.
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ROWE, JOHN H. 1964 Ethnography and Ethnology in the Sixteenth Century. Kroeber Anthropological Society, Papers No. 30:1–19.
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STURTEVANT, WILLIAM C. 1964 Studies in Ethnoscience. American Anthropologist New Series, Special Issue 66, no. 3, part 2:99–131.
TAGARI SHIVASHANKARA PILLAI 1964 Under the Mango Tree. Texas Quarterly 7, no. 2:54–63. ? Translated and edited by Paul Friedrich and K. N. Parameshwaran Nayar.
YALE UNIVERSITY, INSTITUTE OF HUMAN RELATIONS (1938) 1961 Outline of Cultural Materials. 4th ed., revised by George P. Murdock et al. New Haven: Human Relations Area Files.