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Pretrial Publicity and the Gag Rule
The Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States
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2005
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© The Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States 2005, originally published by Oxford University Press 2005. (Hide copyright information)
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Pretrial Publicity and the Gag Rule First Amendment case law has encouraged a vigorous press in American public life. However, under the
Sixth Amendment, a fair trial in a criminal court requires that the judge and jury make their judgment solely on the basis of the evidence introduced in the courtroom. When vast publicity threatens the conduct of a fair trial, a fundamental conflict occurs between two constitutional rights—a fair trials and a free press.
Traditionally, the Supreme Court had been reluctant to attempt any control of pretrial publicity. But
Irvin v. Dowd (1961),
Rideau v. Louisiana (1963), and
Sheppard v. Maxwell (1966)—where the Court reversed criminal convictions because of prejudicial publicity—contributed to a heightened judicial awareness of the potential dangers of pervasive publicity. This awareness in turn led many trial courts to impose certain controls on the press's reporting of criminal proceedings.
The issuance of “gag orders” restricting the press from reporting certain facts regarding trials constituted one such control. In the wake of
Sheppard, despire the Courts holding that press coverage serves a vital role as it “guards against the miscarriage of justice,” some trial courts faced with criminal trials attracting much publicity resorted to gag orders against the press. Bid the mid‐1970s, gag orders threatened the hard‐won freedoms previously secured by the press.
In*
Nebraska Press Association v. Stuart (1976), the Court invalidated a gag order on the grounds that it was an unconstitutional
prior restraint on the press. The Court held that such a prior restraint could be sustained only if the prohibited publicity constituted a clear and present danger to the defendant's right to a fair trial. As a result of that decision, gag orders on the press must now be regarded as presumptively unconstitutional.
In
Oklahoma Publishing Co. v. District Court of Oklahoma County (1977), the Court struck down a gag order restricting the press from publishing the name or picture of a juvenile involved in a delinquency proceeding. In
Landmark Communication v. Virginia (1978), the Court struck down a state statute preventing the press from covering activities of the state Judicial Review Commission. In
Smith v. Daily Mail (1979), the Court struck a similar law preventing the press from publishing the name of a minor charged in juvenile court. Despite the
Nebraska Press ban, some judges try to do indirectly what they cannot do directly and have attempted to control prejudicial publicity by curtailing the flow of information to the press. One means of controlling the media is closure of trial proceedings to the public and press. However, in
Richmond Newspapers, Inc. v. Virginia (1980), the Court greatly narrowed a judge's ability to close trials and held that the paramount right of the public and press to attend criminal trials was guaranteed by the First and
Fourteenth Amendments.
Globe Newspaper Co. v. Superior Court (1982),
Press‐Enterprise Co. v. Riverside Superior Court I (1984), and
Press‐Enterprise II (1986) made it clear that open trials were the rule, and excluding the public and press from even a portion of a trial was the rare exception. Another means of curtailment is the restriction of information divulged by trial participants to the press. In
Gentile v. State Bar of Nevada (1991), although finding the state's guidelines too vague, the Court held that some restrictions on lawyers' speech, if carefully drawn, may be constitutional.
Thus, while the Supreme Court has allowed certain limited and indirect restrictions on the press and its freedom to report on pending criminal trials—such as closure on a case‐by‐case basis and restrictions on broadcasting—gag orders on the press itself, which are now categorized as
prior restraints, are to all intents and purposes prohibited.
See also
Speech and the Press.
Patrick M. Garry
, revised by
S. L. Alexander
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Gag Rule
Encyclopedia entry from: West's Encyclopedia of American Law
GAG RULE A rule, regulation, or law that...series of resolutions and rules that banned petitions calling...Public outcry over the gag rules ultimately aided the antislavery...officials. When the first gag rule was instituted in 1836, House...
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Gag Rule, Antislavery
Dictionary entry from: Dictionary of American History
GAG RULE, ANTISLAVERY GAG RULE, ANTISLAVERY. In American politics the term "gag rule" refers to a series of procedural rules adopted by Congress in the 1830s and 1840s to prevent the submission of antislavery petitions. The gag rule emerged...
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Pretrial Publicity and the Gag Rule
Book article from: The Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States
Pretrial Publicity and the Gag Rule First Amendment case law has encouraged...proceedings. The issuance of “gag orders” restricting the press...attracting much publicity resorted to gag orders against the press. Bid the mid...
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gag rule
Book article from: The Oxford Pocket Dictionary of Current English
gag rule • n. a regulation or directive that prohibits public discussion of a particular matter, in particular: ∎...
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gag rules
Book article from: The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition
gag rules in parliamentary procedure, rules limiting...Northern Democrats, secured passage of the gag rules, which prevented the discussion of...Quincy Adams, aroused the North, and the gag rules were repealed. They had the effect...
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