Juvenile Crime and Victimization
Chapter 7: Juvenile Crime and Victimization
THE UNIFORM CRIME REPORTS AND THE NATIONAL CRIME VICTIMIZATION SURVEY
CRIME TRENDS
JUVENILE OFFENDERS
JUVENILE VICTIMS OF CRIME
Two main government sources collect crime statistics. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) compiles the annual Uniform Crime Reports (UCR). The FBI notes in Crime in the United States, 2007 (September 2008, http://www.fbi.gov/ucr/cius2007/index.html) that the UCR, which was begun in 1930, now collects data from 17,738 city, county, and state law enforcement agencies.
The second set of crime statistics is the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), which is prepared by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS). Established in 1972, the survey is an annual federal statistical study that measures the levels of victimization resulting from criminal activity in the United States. According to the BJS, in “Crime and Victims Statistics” (August 29, 2008, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/cvict.htm), the survey collects data from a nationally representative sample of approximately 76,000 households each year, containing about 135,300 people, on the “frequency, characteristics and consequences of criminal victimization.” The survey was previously known as the National Crime Survey, but it was renamed and redesigned in 1992 to emphasize the measurement of victimization experienced by citizens. The survey was created because of a concern that the UCR did not fully portray the true volume of crime. The UCR provides data on crimes reported to law enforcement authorities, but it does not estimate how many crimes went unreported.
The NCVS is designed to complement the UCR. It measures the levels of criminal victimization of people and households for the crimes of rape, robbery, assault, burglary, motor vehicle theft, and larceny. Murder is not included because the NCVS data are gathered through interviews with victims. Definitions for these crimes are the same as those established by the UCR.
Some observers believe the NCVS is a better indicator of the volume of crime in the United States than the FBI statistics. Nonetheless, like all surveys, it is subject to error. The survey depends on people's memories of incidents that happened up to six months earlier. Many times, a victim is not sure what happened, even moments after the crime occurred. In addition, the NCVS limits the data to victims aged 12 and older, an admittedly arbitrary age selection.
Violent and Property Crimes
Michael R. Rand of the BJS reports in Criminal Victimization, 2007 (December 2008, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/cv07.pdf) that in 2007 U.S. residents experienced 22.9 million violent and property victimizations. Of these crimes, 17.5 million were property crimes (burglary, motor vehicle theft, and theft), 3.7 million were violent crimes (rape or sexual assault, robbery, aggravated assault, and simple assault), and 194,100 were personal thefts (pocket picking and purse snatching). The rate of rape/sexual assault was up from 2005, but the rate for every other type of crime had decreased. (Budget constraints in 2006 changed data collection methods; therefore, 2006 data cannot be compared to previous and current years.)
According to Rand, between 2005 and 2007 the average yearly rate of violent crimes per 1,000 people aged 12 and older was essentially unchanged. In 2005 the violent crime rate was 21.1 per 1,000 people, and in 2007 it was 20.7 per 1,000 people, a decrease of 1.9%. For property crimes, the rate was 154.2 per 1,000 people in 2005 and 146.5 per 1,000 people in 2007, a decline of 5%. The rate for personal theft witnessed an 11.1% decrease, from 0.9 per 1,000 people to 0.8 per 1,000 people. Rand indicates that the 2007 violent and property crime rates were at their lowest levels since 1973, the first year when these data became available.
The UCR reports that most violent crimes—including murder, nonnegligent manslaughter, forcible rape, robbery, and aggravated assault—remained fairly steady between 2006 and 2007, except for forcible rape, which decreased
2.5% between 2006 and 2007. The UCR also recorded decreasing violent crime rates over time. The violent crime rate had decreased from 758.2 per 100,000 people in 1991 to 466.9 per 100,000 in 2007.
According to the UCR, there were an estimated 9.8 million property crimes, including burglary, larceny-theft, and motor vehicle theft, in 2007, down from nearly 10 million in 2006. This decline continued a long-term trend; in 2007, the property crime rate was 3,263.5 per 100,000 people, compared to a rate of 5,140.2 per 100,000 in 1991. This was a decrease of 37% in 16 years.
Trends in Juvenile Crime
According to the FBI, from the mid-1980s through the mid-1990s youth violence and crime grew at rapid rates. In Juvenile Victims and Offenders: 2006 National Report (March 2006, http://www.ojjdp.ncjrs.gov/ojstatbb/nr2006/downloads/NR2006.pdf), Howard N. Snyder and Melissa Sickmund of the National Center for Juvenile Justice look at juvenile homicide trends. They find that between 1980 and 2002, murders by juveniles were highest in 1993 and 1994. During this 22-year span, the murders involving juvenile offenders acting alone decreased 68% and murders involving two or more juvenile offenders fell 60%.
The surge in youth crime and violence caused much concern in society. Various groups—public and private—undertook the mission of trying to uncover the reasons juvenile crime was on the rise. Lawmakers responded by toughening existing laws and finding ways to try more juveniles as adults. Courts levied stricter sentences, and parents and educators looked into various programs and methods geared to help their children and students deal with the situation. (See Chapter 10.)
However, the rise in juvenile crime did not last. Snyder and Sickmund note that in the 10-year period between 1994 and 2003, juvenile arrests decreased by 18%, compared to a 1% increase in arrests of adults during the same period. The arrest rate of juveniles for murder in 2003 was the lowest since at least 1980. According to Snyder and Sickmund, “The juvenile violent crime wave predicted by some in the mid-1990s has not occurred.”
For some young people, their teenage and young adult years are difficult and challenging times. Even though their peers are playing baseball, going to proms, singing in the school choir, heading to college, and making plans for the future, some juveniles and youths are, for whatever reason, committing crimes and having brushes with the law. When dealing with young offenders, each state has its own definition of the term juvenile : Most states put the upper age limit at 17 years old, although some states set it as low as 14 years old. When reporting its national crime statistics, the FBI considers those under the age of 18 to be juveniles. The FBI often breaks its juvenile crime statistics into age-based subcategories, such as age 16 and older and age 15 and younger, to demonstrate how juvenile offenses vary with age. The FBI does the same with youth, who are often defined as 18 to 24. However, some organizations and studies classify youth age ranges differently, citing youths as those aged 18 to 21 or aged 18 to 25.
The U.S. Department of Justice defines crime as all behaviors and acts for which society provides formally approved punishments. Written law, both federal and state, defines which behaviors are criminal and which are not. Some behaviors—murder, robbery, and burglary—have always been considered criminal. Other actions, such as domestic violence or driving under the influence of drugs or alcohol, became classified as criminal actions more recently. Other changes in society have also influenced crime. For example, the widespread use of computers provides new opportunities for white-collar cybercrime, including identity theft and the malicious spread of computer viruses and worms.
Crime can range from actions as simple as taking a candy bar from a store without paying for it, to those as severe and violent as murder. Most people have broken some law, wittingly or unwittingly, at some time in their lives. Therefore, the true extent of criminality is impossible to measure. Researchers can only keep records of what is reported by victims or known to the police.
Risk Factors for Youth Violence
Various government entities, schools, student and parent organizations, and research groups have devoted countless hours to the issue of youth violence. One of their goals is to find ways to recognize the potential for violent behavior in youth before it becomes a serious problem. They work individually and sometimes collectively to outline trends in youth violence and to determine what factors lead to violent behavior.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) outlines in “Understanding Youth Violence: Fact Sheet” (2008, http://www.cdc.gov/ncipc/pub-res/YVFactSheet.pdf) the risk factors that increase the likelihood that a young person will become violent. These factors include a history of violent victimization or prior violence; drug, alcohol, or tobacco use; association with delinquent peers; a dysfunctional family life; poor grades; and poverty in the family or community. The CDC recommends several approaches to stopping youth violence, including programs to improve family relationships, school-based programs to treat nonviolent social development, role modeling through mentoring programs, and changes to physical and social environments to address the social and economic causes of violence.
In “Warning Signs of Youth Violence” (2004, http://www.apahelpcenter.org/featuredtopics/feature.php?id¼38 &ch¼3), the American Psychological Association lists immediate signs that youth violence is a serious possibility as well as
signs over a period that indicate a potential for violence. Signs that violence may be imminent include frequently losing temper, vandalizing, increasing substance use or risk-taking behavior, developing plans to commit violence, enjoying hurting animals, or carrying a weapon. The potential for violence exists when a young person has a history of aggressive behavior or substance abuse, has a strong desire to be in a gang, has a fascination with weapons, begins to withdraw from friends and usual activities, performs poorly in school, fails to respect the feelings or rights of others, or has a history of discipline problems.
In response to the Columbine High School shootings in 1999, the U.S. surgeon general began a comprehensive study of the status of youth and violence in the nation. Issued in 2001, Youth Violence: A Report of the Surgeon General (http://www.surgeongeneral.gov/library/youthviolence/) addresses many aspects of crime and violence, including risk factors for violence among youth aged 15 to 18. The report contains detailed information on early onset factors (ages six to 11), which include exposure to violence on television and substance abuse, as well as late onset factors (ages 12 to 14), which include aggression in general, antisocial attitudes, and abusive parents.
Those involved in the study of youth violence are quick to point out, however, that people need to be cautious when reacting to someone exhibiting warning signs. Even though it is important to provide help to a teenager with violent tendencies, harm could be caused by mislabeling him or her as being violent or by overreacting to a set of circumstances.
Homicide
The UCR defines murder and nonnegligent manslaughter as “the willful (nonnegligent) killing of one human being by another.” However, it also stipulates that “deaths caused by negligence, suicide, or accident; justifiable homicides; and attempts to murder or assaults to murder,…are scored as aggravated assaults.” Approximately 16,929 murders and nonnegligent manslaughters occurred in 2007, down 0.6% from 2006.
In 2007, 17,040 people were identified as murder offenders, including 981 males and 80 females under the age of 18, and 3,574 males and 264 females under the age of 22. (See Table 7.1.) Because the identity of all murder offenders is not known, such figures are lower than they would be if all offenders had been identified. Those under age 18 represented 6.2% of all known murder offenders in that year, whereas those under age 22 represented 22.6% of all known murder offenders. Fewer than one out of 10 of all known murderers were female; 92.3% of all murder offenders under age 18 and 93% of all murder offenders under age 22 were males.
| TABLE 7.1 Murder offenders by age, sex, and race, 2007 |
| Age |
Total |
Sex |
Race |
| Male |
Female |
Unknown |
White |
Black |
Other |
Unknown |
| aBecause of rounding, the percentages may not add to 100.0. |
| bDoes not include unknown ages. |
| SOURCE: “Expanded Homicide Data Table 3. Murder Offenders by Age, Sex, and Race, 2007,” in Crime in the United States, 2007, U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, September 2008, http://www.fbi.gov/ucr/cius2007/offenses/expanded_information/data/shrtable_03.html (accessed November 11, 2008) |
| Total |
17,040 |
10,975 |
1,206 |
4,859 |
5,278 |
6,463 |
245 |
5,054 |
| Percent distributiona |
100.0 |
64.4 |
7.1 |
28.5 |
31.0 |
37.9 |
1.4 |
29.7 |
| Under 18b |
1,063 |
981 |
80 |
2 |
372 |
663 |
21 |
7 |
| Under 22b |
3,845 |
3,574 |
264 |
7 |
1,403 |
2,321 |
82 |
39 |
| 18 and overb |
10,146 |
9,023 |
1,098 |
25 |
4,766 |
5,038 |
218 |
124 |
| Infant (under 1) |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
| 1 to 4 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
| 5 to 8 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
| 9 to 12 |
10 |
8 |
2 |
0 |
4 |
5 |
1 |
0 |
| 13 to 16 |
542 |
493 |
47 |
2 |
187 |
344 |
7 |
4 |
| 17 to 19 |
1,966 |
1,843 |
122 |
1 |
699 |
1,202 |
48 |
17 |
| 20 to 24 |
2,772 |
2,516 |
250 |
6 |
1,104 |
1,578 |
59 |
31 |
| 25 to 29 |
1,891 |
1,679 |
201 |
11 |
803 |
1,019 |
35 |
34 |
| 30 to 34 |
1,109 |
982 |
126 |
1 |
550 |
525 |
18 |
16 |
| 35 to 39 |
811 |
697 |
114 |
0 |
444 |
341 |
19 |
7 |
| 40 to 44 |
680 |
553 |
126 |
1 |
405 |
250 |
19 |
6 |
| 45 to 49 |
540 |
453 |
86 |
1 |
328 |
185 |
18 |
9 |
| 50 to 54 |
371 |
323 |
46 |
2 |
234 |
125 |
9 |
3 |
| 55 to 59 |
231 |
204 |
26 |
1 |
158 |
71 |
0 |
2 |
| 60 to 64 |
130 |
112 |
17 |
1 |
98 |
27 |
3 |
2 |
| 65 to 69 |
75 |
68 |
7 |
0 |
60 |
13 |
2 |
0 |
| 70 to 74 |
26 |
24 |
2 |
0 |
23 |
3 |
0 |
0 |
| 75 and over |
55 |
49 |
6 |
0 |
41 |
13 |
1 |
0 |
| Unknown |
5,831 |
971 |
28 |
4,832 |
140 |
762 |
6 |
4,923 |
In 2007, 31% of all murderers were known to be white, 37.9% were known to be African-American, and 29.7% were of unknown race. (See Table 7.1.) These proportions were similar for juvenile murderers. Among 1,063 youth under age 18, 663 (62.4%) murder offenders were African-American, 372 (35%) were white, 21 (2%) were “other,” and 7 (0.7%) were unknown. Among 3,845 youth under age 22, 2,321 (60.4%) were African-American, 1,403 (36.5%) were white, 82 (2.1%) were “other,” and 39 (1%) were unknown.
LAW ENFORCEMENT OFFICERS KILLED . In Law Enforcement Officers Killed and Assaulted, 2007 (October 2008, http://www.fbi.gov/ucr/killed/2007/), the UCR provides statistics on the number of law enforcement officers feloniously killed between 1998 and 2007. During this 10-year period, 549 officers were killed—the highest number (70) occurred in 2001, not including the 72 deaths resulting from the terrorist attacks on September 11 of that year. In 2007, 57 officers were feloniously killed; six known offenders were juveniles under age 18. Between 1998 and 2007, 6.3% of murder offenders who killed law enforcement officers were under age 18 and 39.4% of offenders were young adults aged 18 to 24.
Rape
The UCR reports that even though there were an estimated 90,427 forcible rapes reported in 2007 (a 2.5% decrease from the previous year), only 17,132 people were arrested for rape in that year. Rape is one of the most underreported crimes, and the low arrest rate demonstrates how few perpetrators are caught. Of those actually arrested, 914 (5.3%) were under age 15 and 2,633 (15.4%) were under age 18.
Aggravated and Simple Assault
The UCR defines aggravated assault as “an unlawful attack by one person upon another for the purpose of inflicting severe or aggravated bodily injury…. This type of assault is usually accompanied by the use of a weapon or by other means likely to produce death or great bodily harm. Attempted aggravated assault that involves the display of—or threat to use—a gun, knife, or other weapon is included in this crime category because serious personal injury would likely result if the assault were completed.” In 2007 an estimated 855,856 aggravated assaults were reported. In its arrest reports, the UCR notes that 327,137 people were arrested for aggravated assault in that year. Of that number, 13,662 (4.2%) were under age 15 and 43,459 (13.3%) were under age 18.
By contrast, simple assaults are assaults or attempted assaults not involving a weapon and not resulting in serious injury to the victim. These include acts such as assault and battery, resisting or obstructing the police, and hazing. In its arrest reports, the UCR lists a category called “other assaults” (to differentiate between these types of assaults and aggravated assaults). The UCR notes that 983,964 people were arrested for other assaults in 2007. Of that number, 70,038 (7.1%) were under age 15 and 181,378 (18.4%) were under age 18.
Robbery, Burglary, and Larceny-Theft
Robbery, burglary, and larceny-theft are different crimes under the UCR. Robbery is “the taking or attempting to take anything of value from the care, custody, or control of a person or persons by force or threat of force or violence and/or by putting the victim in fear,” and is categorized as a violent crime. Burglary involves “the unlawful entry of a structure to commit a felony or theft,” and is classified as a property crime. Larceny-theft, which is also a property crime, is “the unlawful taking, carrying, leading, or riding away of property from the possession or constructive possession of another,” and includes crimes such as shoplifting, pocket-picking, purse-snatching, thefts from motor vehicles, thefts of motor vehicle parts and accessories, bicycle thefts, and so on. These offenses, taken together, are disproportionately committed by young people.
The UCR estimates that 445,125 robbery offenses had been committed in 2007, which was a small decrease (0.5%) over the previous year but represented an increase of 7.5% over robberies in 2003. In 2007, 96,720 people were arrested for robbery; those arrested were disproportionately young people. Of that number, 5,601 (5.8%) were under age 15 and 26,324 (27.2%) were under age 18.
In 2007 the UCR recorded 2,179,140 burglary offenses, a decrease of 0.2% from the previous year and a 6.6% decline from 10 years earlier. Burglary has a particularly low arrest rate. The UCR notes that 228,846 people were arrested for burglary in 2007. Of that number, 18,589 (8.1%) of perpetrators were under age 15 and 61,695 (27%) were under age 18.
The UCR recorded 6,568,572 larceny-theft offenses in 2007, a decrease of 0.6% from 2006 and an 11% decline from 10 years earlier. In its arrest reports, the UCR notes that 897,626 people were arrested for larceny-theft in 2007. Of that number, 71,314 (7.9%) of perpetrators were under age 15 and 229,837 (25.6%) were under age 18.
Motor-vehicle theft is also disproportionately perpetrated by young people, usually in urban areas. In 2007 there were 1,095,769 motor vehicle thefts nationwide. More than nine out of 10 (93.1%) motor vehicle thefts occurred in metropolitan areas. In its arrest reports, the UCR notes that 89,022 people were arrested for motor-vehicle theft in 2007. Of those arrested, 4,917 (5.5%) were under age 15 and 22,266 (25%) were under age 18.
Computer Crime
Illegally accessing a computer, known as hacking, is a crime committed frequently by juveniles. When it is followed by manipulation of the information in private, corporate, or government databases and networks, it can be quite costly. Another means of computer hacking involves the creation of what is known as a virus program. A virus
program is one that resides inside another program and is activated by some predetermined code to create havoc in the host computer. Virus programs can be spread through the sharing of disks and programs, by downloading executable files on the Internet, or, most commonly, through e-mail attachments.
Cases of juvenile hacking have been reported since the 1980s. In 1998 the U.S. Secret Service filed the first criminal case against a juvenile for a computer crime. The unnamed hacker shut down the Worcester, Massachusetts, airport in 1997 for six hours. The airport was integrated into the Federal Aviation Administration traffic system by telephone lines. The accused gained access to the communication system and disabled it by sending a series of computer commands that changed the data carried on the system. As a result, the airport could not function. (No accidents occurred during that time, however.) According to the Department of Justice, the juvenile pled guilty in return for two years probation, a fine, and community service.
Juveniles are sometimes caught hacking into school computer systems in an effort to change their grades and the grades of other students. At times, as in the case of 23 Fort Bend, Texas, students charged with hacking into the local high school's system, the monetary loss to the school system can be so large as to trigger felony charges. The hackers could have faced second-degree felony charges, carrying a penalty of up to 20 years in prison. However, the students were eventually punished by sending them to an alternative education class within the high school.
Other types of computer crime typically perpetrated by juveniles include trading stolen credit card and Social Security numbers and pirating of computer software that will be sold. Because of computer networks, juveniles and other perpetrators can commit these types of crimes on a large scale. In “It's Not Just Fun and ‘War Games’—Juveniles and Computer Crime” (April 26, 2005, http://www.cybercrime.gov/usamay 2001_7.htm), Joseph V. DeMarco, the assistant U.S. attorney in the Southern District of New York, states that “the enormous computing power of today's PCs make it possible for minors to commit offenses which are disproportionately serious to their age.” Teens can commit property offenses on a large scale using computers, can portray themselves as adults in an online world, and “appear to have an ethical ‘deficit’ when it comes to computer crimes.” He points out that children and teens who would never commit robbery, burglary, or assault may in fact commit online crimes. For example, in May 2008 a 15-year-old boy was arrested in Downington, Pennsylvania, for hacking into a school computer system and copying files including personal information and Social Security numbers of school employees. Such information could be used to perpetrate identity theft.
Juveniles convicted of computer crimes sometimes face imprisonment in juvenile detention centers. The Department of Justice reports in “Massachusetts Teen Convicted for Hacking into Internet and Telephone Service Providers and Making Bomb Threats to High Schools in Massachusetts and Florida” (September 8, 2005, http://www.usdoj.gov/criminal/cybercrime/juvenileSentboston.htm) that in 2005 a Massachusetts juvenile pled guilty to several hacking incidents and was sentenced to 11 months in a juvenile detention facility and 2 years of supervised release, during which period he was barred from owning or using a computer, cell phone, or any electronic equipment capable of accessing the Internet.
In October 2008, 20-year-old David Kernell, a college student at the University of Tennessee, was indicted for hacking into vice presidential candidate Sarah Palin's (1964—) Yahoo e-mail account the previous month. The article “Details Emerge in Palin E-mail Hacking” (Associated Press, September 18, 2008, http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26781334/) notes that the break-in to the personal e-mail account could have ramifications for the government because her administration had encouraged the use of Yahoo accounts rather than government e-mail accounts, “which could possibly be released to the public under Alaska's Open Records Act.” In March 2009 Kernell pleaded not guilty to three more charges in the case: fraud, unlawful electronic transmission of material outside Tennessee, and attempts to conceal records to impede an FBI investigation. He faced up to 20 years in prison and a $250,000 fine for the felony charges.
Illegal Drug Use
Various studies show that many violent offenders are substance abusers. For some people, drugs and alcohol may cause violent tendencies to surface. Lloyd D. Johnston et al. of the Institute for Social Research find in Monitoring the Future: National Results on Adolescent Drug Use, Overview of Key Findings, 2007 (2008, http://www.monitoringthefuture.org/pubs/monographs/overview2007.pdf) that in 2007, 35.9% of 12th graders, 28.1% of 10th graders, and 13.2% of eighth graders had used an illicit drug in the past year. Among 12th graders, marijuana/hashish use was highest (31.7%), followed by narcotics (9.2%), amphetamines (7.5%), barbiturates (6.2%), and tranquilizers (6.2%). Two-thirds (66.4%) had used alcohol in the past 12 months.
Other drugs gaining popularity in recent years included so-called club drugs, such as ecstasy (MDMA), flunitrazepam (known as the date rape drug), GHB, and ketamine. These drugs have been popular among teenagers at dance clubs and raves. Because each of these club drugs is scheduled under the Controlled Substances Act (Title II of the Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act of 1970), they are illegal and their use constitutes a criminal offense. Johnston et al. note that in 2007, 4.5% of high school seniors had used MDMA, 1.3% had used ketamine, 1% had used flunitrazepam, and 0.9% had used GHB in the previous 12 months.
In its arrest reports, the UCR notes that 1,386,394 people were arrested on drug abuse violations in 2007. Of that number, 21,506 (1.6%) were under age 15 and 147,382 (10.6%) were under age 18.
Table 7.2 and Figure 7.1 outline the trends in nonfatal violent victimizations and homicides by select age groups
| TABLE 7.2 Violent victimization by gender and age, 2006 |
| |
Population |
Number |
Rate* |
| *Victimization rates are per 1,000 persons age 12 or older or per 1,000 households. |
| SOURCE: Michael Rand and Shannan Catalano, “Table 3. Violent Victimization, by Gender and Age, 2006,” in Criminal Victimization, 2006, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, December 2007, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/cv06.pdf (accessed November 11, 2008) |
| Gender |
| Males |
120,513,190 |
3,187,880 |
26.5 |
| Females |
126,777,010 |
2,906,850 |
22.9 |
| Age |
| 12–15 |
16,892,570 |
799,610 |
47.3 |
| 16–19 |
16,687,150 |
873,480 |
52.3 |
| 20–24 |
20,397,690 |
891,220 |
43.7 |
| 25–34 |
39,931,470 |
1,407,710 |
35.3 |
| 35–49 |
65,886,660 |
1,320,800 |
20.0 |
| 50–64 |
51,916,140 |
677,790 |
13.1 |
| 65 or older |
35,578,530 |
124,120 |
3.5 |
between 1976 and 2006. During these years the rate of violent victimizations dropped in all age categories, but especially among young people. In “Violent Victimization Rates by Age, 1973–2005” (September 10, 2006, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/glance/tables/vagetab.htm), the BJS indicates that in 1973 the violent victimization rate for those aged 12 to 15 was 81.8 per 1,000 people in that age group. The rate peaked in 1994 at 118.6 per 1,000 people then dropped steadily to 44 per 1,000 people in 2005, its lowest point in the 32 years recorded. For those aged 16 to 19, the rate in 1973 was 81.7. This group also reached its zenith in 1994 at 123.9 and then decreased steadily to 44.3 in 2005. The highest nonfatal violent victimization rate in 1973 was among ages 20 to 24 (87.6). This age group reached its highest point in 1991 with 103.6 and then fluctuated before dropping to 43.2 in 2004; however, it had risen again to 47.1 in 2005. In 2006 the violent victimization rate for 12- to 15-year-olds was 47.3 per 1,000 people, and for 16- to 19-year-olds it was 52.3 per 1,000 people. (See Table 7.2.)
Violent crime rates are highest for young people aged 24 and younger; after age 25 the violent victimization rate declines steadily. According to the BJS, in 1973 16- to 19-year-olds were about twice as likely to be victimized by violent crime as people 35 to 49 years of age in 2005. In 2006 16- to 19-year-olds were about two and a half times as likely as 35- to 49-year-olds to be victimized by violent crime. (See Table 7.2.)
Scott Menard of the University of Colorado notes in Short- and Long-Term Consequences of Adolescent Victimization (February 2002, http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/191210.pdf) that when someone is victimized as an adolescent, long-term consequences result. When compared to adults who were not victimized as adolescents, adults who were adolescent victims are most likely to have drug problems and more likely to perpetrate violence. They are also more likely to commit acts of domestic violence and become victims of domestic violence than are adults who were not victimized as adolescents. In addition, they are nearly twice as likely to become victims of violent crime and nearly three times as likely to commit property offenses. Their risk of developing posttraumatic stress disorder is also twice as great.
Becoming a victim of crime can have serious consequences—outcomes that the victim neither asks for nor deserves. A victim rarely expects to be victimized and seldom knows where to turn for help. Victims may end up in the hospital to be treated and released, or they may be confined to bed for days, weeks, or longer. Injuries may be temporary, or they may be permanent and forever change the way the victim lives his or her life. Victims may lose money or property, or in the case of homicide their life. In many cases they lose their confidence, self-esteem, and feelings of security.
The effects of crime are not limited to the victim, however. A victim's family is frequently devastated, and
the psychological trauma may affect everyone connected to a victim. Victims and their families may experience feelings of fear, anger, shame, self-blame, helplessness, and depression—emotions that can last for years after the event. Those who were attacked in their home or whose home was entered illegally may no longer feel secure anywhere. They often blame themselves, feeling that they could have handled themselves better, or done something differently to prevent being victimized.
In the aftermath of crime, when victims most need support and comfort, there is often no one available who understands. Parents or spouses may be dealing with their own feelings of guilt and anger for not being able to protect their loved ones. Friends may withdraw, not knowing what to say or do. As a result, victims may lose their sense of self-esteem and no longer trust other people. These effects of violent victimization can be particularly devastating when the victim is a young person.
Child Abuse and Neglect
It is impossible to determine how many children suffer abuse. All observers can do is count the number of reported cases—which include only those known to public authorities—or they can survey families, in which case parents may deny or downplay abuse. As a result, estimates of child abuse are generally considered low. The Administration for Children, Youth, and Families (ACYF) is the primary source of national information on abused and neglected children that has been reported to state child protective services agencies.
According to the ACYF, in Child Maltreatment 2006 (2008, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/cb/pubs/cm06/cm06.pdf), in 2006 an estimated 3.3 million children were alleged to have been abused or neglected and approximately 905,000 children were found to be victims of child maltreatment. Reports most often came from professional sources, such as educators (16.5%), the legal system (15.8%), social service employees (10%), and medical professionals (8.4%), and less often from nonprofessional sources, such as relatives (7.8%), parents (6%), friends and neighbors (5.3%), and a small percentage of the victims themselves (0.6%) and perpetrators (0.1%). (See Figure 7.2.)
In 2006, 64.1% of reported victims suffered neglect, 16% were physically abused, 8.8% were sexually abused,
| TABLE 7.3 Child abuse victims by age group and maltreatment type, 2006 |
| Age group |
Victims |
Neglect |
Physical abuse |
Medical neglect |
Sexual abuse |
Psychological abuse |
Other abuse |
Unknown |
Total maltreatments |
| Number |
% |
Number |
% |
Number |
% |
Number |
% |
Number |
% |
Number |
% |
Number |
% |
Number |
% |
| Based on data from 51 states. |
| SOURCE: “Table 3–10. Victims by Age Group and Maltreatment Type, 2006,” in Child Maltreatment 2006, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children, Youth and Families, 2008, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/cb/pubs/cm06/cm06.pdf (accessed November 11, 2008) |
| Age < 1 |
100,139 |
72,314 |
72.2 |
14,328 |
14.3 |
3,629 |
3.6 |
445 |
0.4 |
3,967 |
4.0 |
16,300 |
16.3 |
1,097 |
1.1 |
112,080 |
111.9 |
| Age 1–3 |
172,940 |
125,997 |
72.9 |
18,731 |
10.8 |
3,948 |
2.3 |
4,558 |
2.6 |
10,262 |
5.9 |
29,016 |
16.8 |
2,114 |
1.2 |
194,626 |
112.5 |
| Age 4–7 |
213,194 |
138,886 |
65.1 |
32,697 |
15.3 |
3,843 |
1.8 |
17,539 |
8.2 |
14,555 |
6.8 |
31,833 |
14.9 |
2,570 |
1.2 |
241,923 |
113.5 |
| Age 8–11 |
170,944 |
103,964 |
60.8 |
29,312 |
17.1 |
3,233 |
1.9 |
18,314 |
10.7 |
13,647 |
8.0 |
25,406 |
14.9 |
1,947 |
1.1 |
195,823 |
114.6 |
| Age 12–15 |
170,635 |
94,910 |
55.6 |
34,348 |
20.1 |
3,447 |
2.0 |
28,138 |
16.5 |
12,372 |
7.3 |
23,465 |
13.8 |
1,950 |
1.1 |
198,630 |
116.4 |
| Age 16 and older |
54,564 |
29,989 |
55.0 |
11,998 |
22.0 |
1,030 |
1.9 |
8,798 |
16.1 |
3,524 |
6.5 |
7,832 |
14.4 |
541 |
1.0 |
63,712 |
116.8 |
| Unknown or missing |
2,829 |
1,727 |
61.0 |
627 |
22.2 |
50 |
1.8 |
328 |
11.6 |
250 |
8.8 |
126 |
4.5 |
2 |
0.1 |
3,110 |
109.9 |
| Total |
885,245 |
567,787 |
|
142,041 |
|
19,180 |
|
78,120 |
|
58,577 |
|
133,978 |
|
10,221 |
|
1,009,904 |
|
| Percent |
|
|
64.1 |
|
16.0 |
|
2.2 |
|
8.8 |
|
6.6 |
|
15.1 |
|
1.2 |
|
114.1 |
and 6.6% were emotionally or psychologically maltreated. (See Table 7.3.) The highest rate of victimization was among infants (24.4 per 1,000 children), followed by children aged one to three years (14.2 per 1,000), and children four to seven years of age (13.5 per 1,000). (See Figure 7.3.) The rate of occurrence decreased as the child's age increased.
The most tragic result of child maltreatment is death. The ACYF indicates that in 2006 an estimated 1,530 children died as a result of abuse or neglect. Children in the youngest age groups were the most likely to die of maltreatment; 78% of the children who died were three years old or younger.
The largest group of abusers were mothers acting alone (39.9%) followed by fathers acting alone (17.6%). (See Figure 7.4.) Abuse of children was overwhelmingly perpetrated by parents; only 10% of perpetrators were not parents. Parental abuse is probably the most devastating of all abuse, because child victims have absolutely no place to turn for help or support.
Missing Children
In the 1980s, as a result of several high-profile abductions and tragedies, the media focused public attention on the problem of missing children. Citizens became concerned and demanded action to address what appeared to be a national crisis. Attempting to discover the nature and
dimension of the problem, Congress passed the Missing Children's Assistance Act of 1984. The legislation mandated the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) to conduct national incidence studies
to determine the number of juveniles who were “victims of abduction by strangers” and the number of children who were victims of “parental kidnapping.” The result was the National Incidence Studies of Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children (NISMART), the first of which was conducted in 1988, with the results published in 1990. The second and more recent NISMART was conducted mainly in 1999, with many of the data published in a series of reports in October 2002.
FAMILY ABDUCTIONS . According to Heather Hammer, David Finkelhor, and Andrea J. Sedlak of the OJJDP, in Children Abducted by Family Members: National Estimates and Characteristics (October 2002, http://www.ncjrs.gov/html/ojjdp/nismart/02/index.html), a family abduction is “the taking or keeping of a child by a family member in violation of a custody order, a decree, or other legitimate custodial rights, where the taking or keeping involved some element of concealment, flight, or intent to deprive a lawful custodian indefinitely of custodial privileges.” In 1999, 203,900 children were victims of a family abduction. About half (53%) of these were abducted by biological fathers, and 25% by biological mothers. Most family-abducted children were not missing for long— 46% were gone less than a week, and only 21% were away a month or more. Nearly four out of 10 (42%) were abducted from a single-parent family. At the time the survey was done, 91% of the children had been returned, 6% had been located but not returned, and less than 1% had not been located or returned (there was no information on outcomes for 2% of cases).
NONFAMILY ABDUCTIONS . Even though far fewer children are abducted by strangers than by family members, the consequences are often far worse. Violence, the use of force or weapons, sexual assault, and murder are more prevalent in nonfamily abductions. David Finkelhor, Heather Hammer, and Andrea J. Sedlak of the OJJDP state in Nonfamily Abducted Children: National Estimates and Characteristics (October 2002, http://www.ncjrs.gov/html/ojjdp/nismart/03/index.html) that 58,200 children were abducted by nonfamily members in 1999. Nearly half (46%) of these were sexually assaulted by their abductors. Only 115 of the abductions were “stereotypical kidnappings,” in which a child was abducted by a slight acquaintance or stranger, detained overnight, transported 50 miles or more, held for ransom or with intention to keep permanently, or killed. Most nonfamily abducted children (59%) were15to17years old and 65% were female. The perpetrators were strangers 37% of the time and were three times as likely to be male as female. Most perpetrators (67%) were aged 13 to 29. Most nonfamily abducted children (91%) were away for 24 hours or less, and 99% returned alive. The remaining 1% were either killed or had not been located at the time of the survey.
RUNAWAYS AND THROWNAWAYS . In Runaway/Thrownaway Children: National Estimates and Characteristics (October 2002, http://www.ncjrs.gov/html/ojjdp/nismart/04/), Hammer, Finkelhor, and Sedlak note that runaways are children who meet at least one of the following criteria:
- A child who leaves home without permission and stays away overnight
- A child 14 years old (or older and mentally incompetent) who is away from home, chooses not to come home when expected to, and stays away overnight
- A child 15 years old or older who is away from home, chooses not to come home, and stays away two nights
In the 1970s the term throwaways or thrownaways was given by researchers to juveniles who were made to leave home or were abandoned. A thrownaway child meets one of the following criteria:
- A child who is asked or told to leave home by a parent or other household adult, with no adequate alternative care arranged for the child by a household adult, and who is out of the household overnight
- A child who is away from home and is prevented from returning home by a parent or other household adult, with no adequate alternative care arranged for by a household adult, and who is out of the household overnight
The OJJDP now combines its estimates of runaways and thrownaways. According to Hammer, Finkelhor, and Sedlak, 1.7 million youths had a runaway/thrownaway episode in 1999. The runaway episode was thought to indicate that 1.2 million of these children were endangered in the following ways:
- The child had been physically or sexually abused at home in the year before the episode or was afraid of abuse upon return (21%)
- The child was substance dependent (19%)
- The child was 13 years old or younger (18%)
- The child was in the company of someone known to be abusing drugs (18%)
- The child was using hard drugs (17%)
Most runaway/thrownaway youth (68%) were 15 years old or older, and half were females. Most runaways (77%) were away less than one week, and more than 99% returned. An estimated 38,600 of the runaways were at risk of sexual endangerment (assault, attempted assault, or prostitution) while away from home.
Murder Victims
According to the BJS, homicide rates for all age groups have been declining since the mid-1990s. (See Figure 7.1.) Even though violent crime has diminished, it still plays a significant role as a cause of death for youth. However, Melonie P. Heron et al. of the CDC indicate in “Deaths: Preliminary Data for 2006” (National Vital Statistics Report, vol. 56, no. 16, June 11, 2008) that in 2006 the leading cause of death among both males and females under the age of 24 was accidents. Of the leading causes of death in 2006, homicides and suicides accounted for many abbreviated lives as well, and these deaths increased in number among older youth.
The homicide death rate for infants under age one was quite high at 6.8 per 100,000 in 2006. After that age, the homicide death rate declined to 2.1 per 100,000 among one- to four-year-olds and 1 per 100,000 five- to 14-year-olds. The homicide death rate rose again after age 14.
UCR data confirm that murder victims are disproportionately young people. Out of 14,831 murder victims in 2007, 1,554 victims were under age 18, including 1,070 males and 482 females. (See Table 7.4.) The number of young murder victims more than doubled when looking at all victims aged 21 and under. Of the 3,758 murder victims in this age range, 2,996 were male and 758 were female. One out of 10 (10.5%) murder victims was under age 18, and a quarter (25.3%) was under age 22.
African-Americans are also disproportionately victims of homicide. Nearly equal numbers of whites (6,948) and African-Americans (7,316) were murdered in 2007, even though whites far outnumber African-Americans in the general population, according to the U.S. Census Bureau (April 30, 2008, http://www.census.gov/popest/national/asrh/NC-EST2007-asrh.html). (See Table 7.4.) Of victims under age
| TABLE 7.4 Murder victims, by age, sex, and race, 2007 |
| Age |
Total |
Sex |
Race |
| Male |
Female |
Unknown |
White |
Black |
Other |
Unknown |
| aBecause of rounding, the percentages may not add to 100.0. |
| bDoes not include unknown ages. |
| SOURCE: “Expanded Homicide Data Table 2. Murder Victims by Age, Sex, and Race, 2007,” in Crime in the United States, 2007, U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, September 2008, http://www.fbi.gov/ucr/cius2007/offenses/expanded_information/data/shrtable_02.html (accessed November 11, 2008) |
| Total |
14,831 |
11,618 |
3,177 |
36 |
6,948 |
7,316 |
345 |
222 |
| Percent distributiona |
100.0 |
78.3 |
21.4 |
0.2 |
46.8 |
49.3 |
2.3 |
1.5 |
| Under 18b |
1,554 |
1,070 |
482 |
2 |
752 |
740 |
40 |
22 |
| Under 22b |
3,758 |
2,996 |
758 |
4 |
1,594 |
2,035 |
80 |
49 |
| 18 and overb |
13,013 |
10,367 |
2,641 |
5 |
6,089 |
6,482 |
301 |
141 |
| Infant (under 1) |
210 |
116 |
93 |
1 |
139 |
57 |
9 |
5 |
| 1 to 4 |
322 |
162 |
159 |
1 |
169 |
142 |
6 |
5 |
| 5 to 8 |
88 |
47 |
41 |
0 |
55 |
28 |
4 |
1 |
| 9 to 12 |
75 |
39 |
36 |
0 |
39 |
30 |
4 |
2 |
| 13 to 16 |
487 |
380 |
107 |
0 |
206 |
265 |
9 |
7 |
| 17 to 19 |
1,443 |
1,272 |
171 |
0 |
538 |
867 |
23 |
15 |
| 20 to 24 |
2,733 |
2,355 |
374 |
4 |
1,091 |
1,555 |
58 |
29 |
| 25 to 29 |
2,215 |
1,871 |
344 |
0 |
871 |
1,284 |
36 |
24 |
| 30 to 34 |
1,651 |
1,366 |
285 |
0 |
735 |
860 |
40 |
16 |
| 35 to 39 |
1,243 |
949 |
293 |
1 |
575 |
622 |
32 |
14 |
| 40 to 44 |
1,127 |
787 |
340 |
0 |
596 |
476 |
36 |
19 |
| 45 to 49 |
960 |
689 |
271 |
0 |
544 |
381 |
25 |
10 |
| 50 to 54 |
698 |
522 |
176 |
0 |
422 |
261 |
11 |
4 |
| 55 to 59 |
451 |
338 |
113 |
0 |
268 |
164 |
16 |
3 |
| 60 to 64 |
292 |
202 |
90 |
0 |
196 |
80 |
13 |
3 |
| 65 to 69 |
181 |
123 |
58 |
0 |
111 |
57 |
11 |
2 |
| 70 to 74 |
130 |
84 |
46 |
0 |
96 |
30 |
3 |
1 |
| 75 and over |
261 |
135 |
126 |
0 |
190 |
63 |
5 |
3 |
| Unknown |
264 |
181 |
54 |
29 |
107 |
94 |
4 |
59 |
18, 752 were white and 740 were African-American. One out of 10 (10.8%) white victims as well as one out of 10 (10.1%) African-American victims were under age 18; 22.9% of white victims and 27.8% of African-American victims were under age 22. Homicide has been and is the leading cause of death for African-American teenagers, both male and female, although victimization rates for African-American teens declined dramatically between the early 1990s and 2000.
VICTIM-OFFENDER RELATIONSHIP . Snyder and Sickmund state that the most frequent killers of children under age six were their parents, whereas parents were less likely to be involved in the murder of teens aged 15 to 17, although this varied by gender of the child. (See Table 7.5.) Almost two-thirds (61%) of all female juveniles killed were murdered by a parent or stepparent, compared to only 26% of male juveniles. Half (50%) of all male juveniles killed were murdered by an acquaintance, compared to only 29% of female juveniles. Females were also less likely than males to be murdered by a stranger (3% and 18%, respectively).
The risk of being killed by a parent decreased with age—62% of murder victims aged five and younger were killed by a parent or stepparent, compared to 40% of children aged six to 11, 11% of children aged 12 to 14, and 3% of children aged 15 to 17. (See Table 7.5.) The risk of being killed by an acquaintance or a stranger, however, increased with age. About a quarter (28%) of children under age six were killed by an acquaintance, compared to 66% of 15- to 17-year-olds; only 3% of the youngest children were killed by strangers, compared to 25% of 15- to 17-year-olds.
WEAPONS USED IN MURDERS OF JUVENILES . According to Snyder and Sickmund, the number of youths dying as a result of firearms increased 152% between 1985 and 1993 before declining. Even though the number of homicides involving no firearm declined very little between 1993 and 2002, a huge drop in the number of homicides involving a firearm resulted in the overall number of juvenile homicides falling to the lowest level since 1984 in 2002. Nonetheless, almost half (48%) of all juveniles murdered in 2002 were killed with a firearm. Another 22% were beaten/kicked to death or strangled, and 11% were killed with a knife or blunt object. The remaining 19% were killed with another type of weapon, or the type of weapon used was unknown.
The FBI reports that these trends continued in 2007; firearms were used in most murders of juveniles and young adults in that year. Of 1,554 murder victims under the age of 18, 806 (51.9%) were killed with firearms. (See Table 7.6.) Of 3,758 murder victims who were under the age of 22, 2,642 (70.3%) were killed with firearms. A low proportion of the youngest murder victims were killed by firearms, but that proportion rose with age. The most firearms-related murders were in the 20 to 24 age group (2,733 deaths). However, the greatest percentage of firearms-related murders was among those aged 17 to 19 (1,229 of 1,443 murders, or 85.2%). Other weapons most frequently used to kill juveniles included personal weapons—hands, feet, fists, and so on, especially among the youngest children—and knives.
Rape
For several reasons, the statistics on rape are incomplete. The crime often goes unreported. The BJS estimates that only about one-third of the cases of completed or attempted rape are ever reported to police; other organizations estimate that the proportion of reported rapes is even lower. Because its data are collected through interviews, the BJS recognizes an underreporting in its statistics as well. Acquaintance rape is far more common than stranger rape. Most experts conclude that in 80% to 85% of all rape cases, the victim knows the rapist.
| TABLE 7.5 Offender relationship to juvenile homicide victims, by age and gender of victims, 1980–2002 |
| Offender relationship to victim |
Age of victim |
Victim ages 0–17 |
| 0–17 |
0–5 |
6–11 |
12–14 |
15–17 |
Males |
Females |
| Over the 23-year period, strangers were involved in at least 15% of the murders of juveniles. This figure is probably greater than 15% because strangers are likely to account for a disproportionate share of crimes in which the offender is unknown. |
| Note: Detail may not total 100% because of rounding. |
| SOURCE: Howard N. Snyder and Melissa Sickmund, “Of the 46,600 Juveniles Murdered between 1980 and 2002, Most Victims under Age 6 Were Killed by a Parent, While Parents Were Rarely Involved in the Killing of Juveniles Ages 15–17,” in Juvenile Offenders and Victims: 2006 National Report, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, March 2006, http://www.ojjdp.ncjrs.gov/ojstatbb/nr2006/downloads/NR2006.pdf (accessed November 11, 2008) |
| Offender known |
74% |
88% |
81% |
72% |
64% |
72% |
88% |
| Total |
100% |
100% |
100% |
100% |
100% |
100% |
100% |
| Parent/stepparent |
31 |
62 |
40 |
11 |
3 |
26 |
61 |
| Other family member |
7 |
7 |
15 |
11 |
5 |
6 |
7 |
| Acquaintance |
47 |
28 |
30 |
58 |
66 |
50 |
29 |
| Stranger |
15 |
3 |
15 |
20 |
25 |
18 |
3 |
| Offender unknown |
26% |
12% |
19% |
28% |
36% |
28% |
12% |
| TABLE 7.6 Murder victims by age and weapon, 2007 |
| Age |
Total murder victims |
Weapons |
| Firearms |
Knives or cutting instruments |
Blunt objects (clubs, hammers, etc.) |
Personal weapons (hands, fists, feet, etc.)a |
Poison |
Explosives |
Fire |
Narcotics |
Strangulation |
Asphyxiation |
Other weapon or weapon not statedb |
| aPushed is included in personal weapons. |
| bIncludes drowning. |
| cBecause of rounding, the percentages may not add to 100.0. |
| dDoes not include unknown ages. |
| *Less than one-tenth of 1 percent. |
| SOURCE: “Expanded Homicide Data Table 8. Murder Victims by Age, by Weapon, 2007,” in Crime in the United States, 2007, U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, September 2008, http://www.fbi.gov/ucr/cius2007/offenses/expanded_information/data/shrtable_08.html (accessed November 11, 2008) |
| Total |
14,831 |
10,086 |
1,796 |
647 |
854 |
10 |
1 |
130 |
49 |
134 |
108 |
1,016 |
| Percent distributionc |
100.0 |
68.0 |
12.1 |
4.4 |
5.8 |
0.1 |
* |
0.9 |
0.3 |
0.9 |
0.7 |
6.9 |
| Under 18d |
1,554 |
806 |
127 |
61 |
303 |
4 |
0 |
25 |
14 |
22 |
33 |
159 |
| Under 22d |
3,758 |
2,642 |
307 |
98 |
345 |
4 |
0 |
30 |
19 |
36 |
38 |
239 |
| 18 and overd |
13,013 |
9,148 |
1,655 |
573 |
528 |
6 |
1 |
97 |
35 |
110 |
73 |
787 |
| Infant (under 1) |
210 |
9 |
4 |
9 |
122 |
0 |
0 |
3 |
3 |
4 |
15 |
41 |
| 1 to 4 |
322 |
35 |
9 |
32 |
143 |
0 |
0 |
8 |
6 |
7 |
10 |
72 |
| 5 to 8 |
88 |
35 |
9 |
4 |
14 |
1 |
0 |
6 |
1 |
4 |
5 |
9 |
| 9 to 12 |
75 |
36 |
11 |
3 |
8 |
2 |
0 |
4 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
8 |
| 13 to 16 |
487 |
376 |
62 |
8 |
11 |
1 |
0 |
3 |
1 |
3 |
2 |
20 |
| 17 to 19 |
1,443 |
1,229 |
110 |
24 |
22 |
0 |
0 |
2 |
6 |
8 |
1 |
41 |
| 20 to 24 |
2,733 |
2,234 |
243 |
45 |
59 |
1 |
1 |
8 |
7 |
13 |
10 |
112 |
| 25 to 29 |
2,215 |
1,773 |
206 |
41 |
51 |
0 |
0 |
11 |
2 |
24 |
10 |
97 |
| 30 to 34 |
1,651 |
1,254 |
206 |
35 |
41 |
0 |
0 |
17 |
3 |
10 |
5 |
80 |
| 35 to 39 |
1,243 |
821 |
199 |
64 |
56 |
1 |
0 |
6 |
4 |
7 |
8 |
77 |
| 40 to 44 |
1,127 |
697 |
169 |
73 |
60 |
0 |
0 |
17 |
3 |
16 |
8 |
84 |
| 45 to 49 |
960 |
547 |
175 |
67 |
61 |
1 |
0 |
9 |
2 |
11 |
9 |
78 |
| 50 to 54 |
698 |
360 |
126 |
57 |
66 |
1 |
0 |
6 |
5 |
6 |
9 |
62 |
| 55 to 59 |
451 |
202 |
85 |
55 |
39 |
1 |
0 |
9 |
0 |
5 |
0 |
55 |
| 60 to 64 |
292 |
129 |
56 |
43 |
25 |
0 |
0 |
2 |
1 |
0 |
4 |
32 |
| 65 to 69 |
181 |
83 |
33 |
28 |
11 |
0 |
0 |
3 |
0 |
4 |
0 |
19 |
| 70 to 74 |
130 |
62 |
28 |
9 |
12 |
0 |
0 |
3 |
0 |
0 |
2 |
14 |
| 75 and over |
261 |
72 |
51 |
37 |
30 |
1 |
0 |
5 |
4 |
9 |
7 |
45 |
| Unknown |
264 |
132 |
14 |
13 |
23 |
0 |
0 |
8 |
0 |
2 |
2 |
70 |
The UCR defines forcible rape as “the carnal knowledge of a female forcibly and against her will. Assaults and attempts to commit rape by force or threat of force are also included; however, statutory rape (without force) [sex with a consenting minor] and other sex offenses are excluded.” Rape is a crime of violence in which the victim may suffer serious physical injury and long-term psychological pain. In 2007 the UCR recorded 90,427 reported rape offenses, a decrease of 2.5% from the year before. The rate of forcible rapes was reported at a rate of 59.1 offenses per 100,000 females.
Rape victims are disproportionately young. According to the BJS, in 2006 females aged 12 to 15 experienced the highest rates (6.4 per 1,000 people), followed by older teens aged 16 to 19 (4.3 per 1,000 people). (See Table 7.7.) Furthermore, the BJS finds that in 2006 only 33.9% of those aged 12 to 19 who acknowledged being victims of rape/sexual assault reported the incident to police. (See Table 7.8.)
Aggravated and Simple Assault
In Criminal Victimization in the United States, 2006 Statistical Tables (August 2008, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/cvus06.pdf), the BJS reports that in 2006 aggravated assault was most common among young people. It occurred at a rate of 8.3 per 1,000 teens aged 12 to 15, 11.6 per 1,000 teens aged 16 to 19, and 11.9 per 1,000 teens aged 20 to 24. After that age the rate began to decline. Among white males, those aged 20 to 24 experienced the highest rate of aggravated assault (12.2 per 1,000 people), whereas among African-American males, 25- to 34-year-olds experienced the highest rate (31 per 1,000 people). (See Table 7.9.) African-American women in the 20 to 24 age group experienced the highest rate (16.1 per 1,000 people) as did white women in the 20 to 24 age group (11.7 per 1,000 people).
The BJS notes that in 2006 simple assault occurred at a rate of 31.3 per 1,000 teens aged 12 to 15, 33.1 per 1,000 teens aged 16 to 19, and 23.2 per 1,000 teens aged 20 to 24, after which the rate began to decline. Younger African-American males had a higher simple assault victimization rate than did white males in the same age group. For example, African-American males aged 16 to 19 had a simple assault rate of 46.8 per 1,000 people, compared to the rate of 26.9 among white males of that age. (See Table 7.9.)
| TABLE 7.7 Victimization rates for persons age 12 and over, by gender and age of victims and type of crime, 2006 |
| Gender and age |
Total population |
Rate per 1,000 persons in each age group |
| Crimes of violence |
Completed Violence |
Attempted/threatened violence |
Rape/Sexual assaulta |
Robbery |
Assault |
Purse snatching/pocket picking |
| Total |
With injury |
Without injury |
Total |
Aggravated |
Simple |
Note: Due to changes in methodology, the 2006 national crime victimization rates are not comparable to previous years and cannot be used for yearly trend comparisons. However, the overall patterns of victimization at the national level can be examined. Detail may not add to total shown because of rounding. |
| *Estimate is based on 10 or fewer sample cases. |
| a Includes verbal threats of rape and threats of sexual assault. |
| SOURCE: “Table 4. Personal Crimes, 2006: Victimization Rates for Persons Age 12 and over, by Gender and Age of Victims and Type of Crime,” in Criminal Victimization in the United States, 2006 Statistical Tables, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, August 2008, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/cvus06.pdf (accessed November 11, 2008) |
| Male |
| 12–15 |
8,693,790 |
47.5 |
17.5 |
30.0 |
0.5* |
3.6* |
0.8* |
2.8* |
43.4 |
9.0 |
34.4 |
1.2* |
| 16–19 |
8,495,570 |
53.7 |
16.2 |
37.5 |
0.7* |
8.0 |
1.7* |
6.2 |
45.0 |
14.5 |
30.5 |
1.2* |
| 20–24 |
10,247,690 |
46.8 |
15.9 |
30.9 |
0.0* |
9.3 |
2.4* |
6.9 |
37.5 |
11.5 |
25.9 |
1.0* |
| 25–34 |
20,079,860 |
38.2 |
13.9 |
24.2 |
0.3* |
6.4 |
3.1 |
3.3 |
31.5 |
9.4 |
22.1 |
0.7* |
| 35–49 |
32,607,930 |
19.4 |
4.1 |
15.3 |
0.3* |
2.1 |
0.3* |
1.8 |
17.0 |
4.7 |
12.2 |
1.0* |
| 50–64 |
25,144,830 |
15.7 |
4.1 |
11.6 |
0.1* |
2.1 |
1.2* |
0.9* |
13.5 |
3.1 |
10.4 |
0.3* |
| 65 and over |
15,196,130 |
5.0 |
1.4* |
3.5 |
0.0* |
1.4* |
0.5* |
0.8* |
3.6 |
1.2* |
2.4 |
0.1* |
| Female |
| 12–15 |
8,208,130 |
46.3 |
16.2 |
30.1 |
6.4 |
4.4* |
1.7* |
2.6* |
35.5 |
7.5 |
28.0 |
0.5* |
| 16–19 |
8,185,810 |
49.8 |
17.8 |
31.9 |
4.3* |
1.1* |
0.7* |
0.4* |
44.3 |
8.5 |
35.8 |
0.9* |
| 20–24 |
10,123,690 |
41.6 |
15.9 |
25.7 |
3.6 |
5.3 |
2.9* |
2.4* |
32.7 |
12.3 |
20.4 |
0.7* |
| 25–34 |
19,836,350 |
33.8 |
11.5 |
22.4 |
2.5 |
2.7 |
1.1* |
1.6* |
28.7 |
6.0 |
22.7 |
0.5* |
| 35–49 |
33,263,020 |
20.0 |
7.4 |
12.6 |
1.0* |
1.9 |
0.7* |
1.2 |
17.1 |
4.7 |
12.4 |
0.8* |
| 50–64 |
26,769,110 |
10.9 |
3.8 |
7.1 |
1.0* |
0.5* |
0.0* |
0.5* |
9.4 |
1.9 |
7.5 |
0.5* |
| 65 and over |
20,381,170 |
2.1 |
0.7* |
1.4* |
0.0* |
0.9* |
0.1* |
0.8* |
1.2* |
0.3* |
0.9* |
0.9* |
| TABLE 7.8 Percent of victimizations reported to police by type of crime and age of victims, 2006 |
| Type of crime |
Percent of victimizations reported to the police |
| 12–19 |
20–34 |
35–49 |
50–64 |
65 and over |
| Note: Many incident characteristics were unaffected or minimally affected by changes in methodology in the 2006 National Crime Victimization Survey. However, caution should be used in comparing 2006 rates of individual variables, particularly those with small sample sizes, to previous years. |
| *Estimate is based on 10 or fewer sample cases. |
| aIncludes verbal threats of rape and threats of sexual assault. |
| SOURCE: “Table 96. Personal Crimes, 2006: Percent of Victimizations Reported to the Police, by Type of Crime and Age of Victims,” in Criminal Victimization in the United States, 2006 Statistical Tables, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, August 2008, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/cvus06.pdf (accessed November 11, 2008) |
| All personal crimes |
34.3 % |
52.9 % |
56.0 % |
54.9 % |
63.4 % |
| Crimes of violence |
34.6 |
52.6 |
55.8 |
54.5 |
64.6 |
| Completed violence |
54.7 |
62.7 |
74.2 |
61.3 |
69.8* |
| Attempted/threatened violence |
24.1 |
47.0 |
48.1 |
51.5 |
62.3 |
| Rape/sexual assaulta |
33.9* |
51.6 |
46.8* |
44.6* |
0.0* |
| Robbery |
40.3 |
58.8 |
62.6 |
60.9 |
74.8* |
| Completed/property taken |
46.9 |
57.6 |
68.5 |
62.9* |
81.1* |
| With injury |
58.2* |
58.3 |
75.2* |
54.2* |
100.0* |
| Without injury |
37.6* |
57.1 |
65.2 |
74.2* |
78.7* |
| Attempted to take property |
31.5* |
61.3 |
43.3* |
52.8* |
65.8* |
| With injury |
100.0* |
54.2* |
0.0* |
0.0* |
100.0* |
| Without injury |
26.2* |
64.3 |
43.3* |
52.8* |
38.6* |
| Assault |
34.1 |
51.6 |
55.3 |
54.2 |
59.6 |
| Aggravated |
47.3 |
63.1 |
63.0 |
65.8 |
73.3* |
| With injury |
74.6 |
79.4 |
72.5 |
65.1* |
100.0* |
| Threatened with weapon |
32.2 |
51.9 |
59.3 |
66.1 |
69.3* |
| Simple |
30.1 |
46.9 |
52.4 |
51.0 |
53.9* |
| With minor injury |
49.7 |
58.1 |
83.8 |
60.6 |
34.7* |
| Without injury |
22.4 |
43.3 |
44.6 |
48.3 |
58.0* |
| Purse snatching/pocket picking |
17.1* |
72.2* |
60.2* |
68.8* |
56.6* |
Robbery and Theft
The BJS reports in Criminal Victimization in the United States, 2006 Statistical Tables that in 2006 robbery occurred at a rate of 4 per 1,000 teens aged 12 to 15, 4.6 per 1,000 teens aged 16 to 19, and 7.3 per 1,000 teens aged 20 to 24, after which age the rate began to decline. Young males, both white and African-American, had high rates of robbery victimization. (See Table 7.9.)
| TABLE 7.9 Violent victimization rates for persons age 12 and over, by race, gender, and age of victims and type of crime, 2006 |
| Race, gender, and age |
Total population |
Rate per 1,000 persons in each age group |
| Crimes of violencea |
Robbery |
Aggravated assault |
Simple assault |
| Number |
Rate |
Number |
Rate |
Number |
Rate |
Number |
Rate |
| Note: Due to changes in methodology, the 2006 national crime victimization rates are not comparable to previous years and cannot be used for yearly trend comparisons. However, the overall patterns of victimization at the national level can be examined. |
| Excludes data on persons of “Other” races and persons indicating two or more races. |
| *Estimate is based on 10 or fewer sample cases. |
| aIncludes data on rape and sexual assault, not shown separately. |
| SOURCE: “Table 10. Violent Crimes, 2006: Number of Victimizations and Victimization Rates for Persons Age 12 and over, by Race, Gender, and Age of Victims and Type of Crime,” in Criminal Victimization in the United States, 2006 Statistical Tables, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, August 2008, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/cvus06.pdf (accessed November 11, 2008) |
| White only |
| Male |
| 12–15 |
6,544,640 |
306,470 |
46.8 |
31,600* |
4.8* |
53,060 |
8.1 |
217,830 |
33.3 |
| 16–19 |
6,580,880 |
321,020 |
48.8 |
52,750 |
8.0 |
85,300 |
13.0 |
177,050 |
26.9 |
| 20–24 |
8,236,420 |
418,000 |
50.8 |
80,380 |
9.8 |
100,800 |
12.2 |
236,810 |
28.8 |
| 25–34 |
16,004,580 |
546,800 |
34.2 |
96,530 |
6.0 |
83,300 |
5.2 |
361,560 |
22.6 |
| 35–49 |
26,889,110 |
536,880 |
20.0 |
58,220 |
2.2 |
119,560 |
4.4 |
348,990 |
13.0 |
| 50–64 |
21,404,540 |
341,850 |
16.0 |
46,180 |
2.2 |
69,610 |
3.3 |
223,510 |
10.4 |
| 65 and over |
13,341,160 |
72,250 |
5.4 |
20,600* |
1.5* |
17,770* |
1.3* |
33,880* |
2.5* |
| Female |
| 12–15 |
6,258,480 |
285,930 |
45.7 |
29,510* |
4.7* |
46,790 |
7.5 |
173,950 |
27.8 |
| 16–19 |
6,245,950 |
302,620 |
48.5 |
3,120* |
0.5* |
40,130 |
6.4 |
233,470 |
37.4 |
| 20–24 |
7,810,160 |
318,080 |
40.7 |
39,900 |
5.1 |
91,660 |
11.7 |
161,160 |
20.6 |
| 25–34 |
15,364,100 |
483,600 |
31.5 |
30,460* |
2.0* |
76,890 |
5.0 |
334,710 |
21.8 |
| 35–49 |
26,640,800 |
484,440 |
18.2 |
46,190 |
1.7 |
102,770 |
3.9 |
302,160 |
11.3 |
| 50–64 |
22,337,200 |
249,060 |
11.1 |
10,550* |
0.5* |
40,930 |
1.8 |
175,760 |
7.9 |
| 65 and over |
17,689,080 |
30,490* |
1.7* |
10,850* |
0.6* |
5,410* |
0.3* |
14,230* |
0.8* |
| Black only |
| Male |
| 12–15 |
1,453,470 |
69,890 |
48.1 |
0* |
0.0* |
11,960* |
8.2* |
57,930 |
39.9 |
| 16–19 |
1,269,160 |
95,000 |
74.9 |
9,420* |
7.4* |
26,230* |
20.7* |
59,350 |
46.8 |
| 20–24 |
1,194,640 |
48,730 |
40.8 |
15,240* |
12.8* |
4,460* |
3.7* |
29,030* |
24.3* |
| 25–34 |
2,475,000 |
150,390 |
60.8 |
15,320* |
6.2* |
76,670 |
31.0 |
58,410 |
23.6 |
| 35–49 |
3,706,580 |
65,820 |
17.8 |
10,240* |
2.8* |
34,990* |
9.4* |
20,580* |
5.6* |
| 50–64 |
2,440,920 |
39,230 |
16.1 |
6,510* |
2.7* |
7,930* |
3.3* |
24,790* |
10.2* |
| 65 and over |
1,146,260 |
3,300* |
2.9* |
0* |
0.0* |
0* |
0.0* |
3,300* |
2.9* |
| Female |
| 12–15 |
1,318,550 |
66,710 |
50.6 |
6,270* |
4.8* |
6,870* |
5.2* |
36,420* |
27.6* |
| 16–19 |
1,256,840 |
69,220 |
55.1 |
5,970* |
4.8* |
16,450* |
13.1* |
37,330 |
29.7 |
| 20–24 |
1,487,560 |
69,860 |
47.0 |
7,900* |
5.3* |
23,920* |
16.1* |
35,360* |
23.8* |
| 25–34 |
2,912,690 |
130,230 |
44.7 |
22,790* |
7.8* |
36,560 |
12.6 |
66,460 |
22.8 |
| 35–49 |
4,436,600 |
115,040 |
25.9 |
5,430* |
1.2* |
34,940* |
7.9* |
74,680 |
16.8 |
| 50–64 |
3,037,860 |
30,090* |
9.9* |
3,530* |
1.2* |
8,120* |
2.7* |
18,440* |
6.1* |
| 65 and over |
1,836,090 |
8,960* |
4.9* |
4,250* |
2.3* |
0* |
0.0* |
4,700* |
2.6* |
Cite this article
Pick a style below, and copy the text for your bibliography.
|
The ghost of Giorgione: despite its claims to resolve the enigma of Giorgione, this new book creates more confusion.(Book review)
Magazine article from: Apollo; 1/1/2008; ; 700+ words
; [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Giorgione: Catalogue Raisonne Mystery Unveiled...his novella Five New Facts About Giorgione (1987), Hugh Hood retails an episode...documentary evidence proving that Giorgione's only known altarpiece--in...
|
|
Giorgione the modernist; Science and art.(Giorgione)
Magazine article from: The Economist (US); 2/28/2004; 700+ words
; ...discoveries about a puzzling painter SINCE Giorgione's brief life (c. 1478-1510...painting, was stopped in his tracks by Giorgione's "The Tempest" (detail pictured...nine of the 25 paintings attributed to Giorgione, with the claim by the Venetian conservation...
|
|
Giorgione: Myth and Enigma: a searching exhibition, which has moved from Venice to Vienna, enables Giorgione's achievement to be understood with greater clarity than ever before.(Exhibitions)
Magazine article from: Apollo; 7/1/2004; ; 700+ words
; ...across the word 'problem' in any approach to Giorgione. In its current exhibition. 'Giorgione: Mythos und Enigma', the Kunsthistorisches...the hand we can truly and accurately call Giorgione's that has ever been seen in one room...
|
|
Giorgione's artistic poetry
Magazine article from: The Spectator; 6/26/2004; ; 700+ words
; ...exhibition of work by 'Big George' in Vienna Giorgione! A name to conjure with. Other names...goes with Myth and Enigma, the current Giorgione exhibition in Vienna, a show which began...to induce obsession. There are more Giorgione experts involved in this show than pictures...
|
|
Forty UNDER 40: Andrew Giorgione, 33
Magazine article from: Central Penn Business Journal; 11/17/2000; ; 501 words
; ...federal court on trademark matters, Andrew Giorgione shows a flair for adaptability and ingenuity. Giorgione graduated from Penn State University with...Law, Harrisburg. Right out of school, Giorgione joined the city of Harrisburg as an intern...
|
|
Giorgione's Tempest, studiolo culture, and the Renaissance Lucretius *.
Magazine article from: Renaissance Quarterly; 6/22/2003; ; 700+ words
; ...PROBLEM OF GENRE Much recent writing Giorgione's Tempest (Fig 1.) conveys the impression...already over-encumbered bibliography on Giorgione, but it will also make a case for the...significance of poetry during the years of Giorgione's activity. (5) In what follows...
|
|
The history of art and the art of history: Hugh Hood's 'Five New Facts about Giorgione.'
Magazine article from: Mosaic (Winnipeg); 3/1/1994; ; 700+ words
; ...In his novella Five New Facts About Giorgione (1987), Canadian author Hugh Hood...however, that Five New Facts About Giorgione raises basic questions about the nature...in the fact that Five New Facts About Giorgione refers to the same historical era with...
|
|
Bellini, Giorgione, Titian, and the Renaissance of Venetian Painting.(Book review)
Magazine article from: Renaissance Quarterly; 6/22/2007; ; 700+ words
; ...Sylvia Ferino-Pagden, eds. Bellini, Giorgione, Titian, and the Renaissance of Venetian...makes the beautiful exhibition Bellini, Giorgione, Titian, and the Renaissance of Venetian...After viewing the astonishing pairing of Giorgione's Three Philosophers in Vienna with...
|
|
Bildnisse des Begehrens: Das lyrische Mannerportrat in der venezianischen Malerei des fruhen 16. Jahrhunderts--Giorgione, Tizian und ihr Umkreis.(Book review)
Magazine article from: Renaissance Quarterly; 12/22/2007; ; 700+ words
; ...Malerei des fruhen 16. Jahrhunderts--Giorgione, Tizian und ihr Umkreis. Emsdetten...transgressive qualities of certain portraits by Giorgione and his circle. The sources invoked...connoisseurship so central in recent discussions of Giorgione and Titian. Koos might also have cast...
|
|
The masturbating Venuses of Raphael, Giorgione, Titian, Ovid, Martial, and Poliziano.(Critical essay)
Magazine article from: Aurora, The Journal of the History of Art; 1/1/2005; ; 700+ words
; ...earlier Sleeping Venus (Fig. 2) by Giorgione; and credited him as the inventor of...satisfied Goffen's need to explain why Giorgione and Titian would show the venereal fingers...transcends a stereotype. Goffen was blind to Giorgione's nuanced treatment of stereotypes...
|
|
Giorgione
Encyclopedia entry from: Encyclopedia of World Biography
Giorgione The Italian painter Giorgione (1477-1510) was one of the first masters of the Venetian...notable for their poetic qualities. Although the career of Giorgione occupies a very short period of time, his creation of mood...
|
|
Giorgione (Giorgo da Castelfranco; 1477–1510)
Encyclopedia entry from: Europe, 1450 to 1789: Encyclopedia of the Early Modern World
GIORGIONE (Giorgo da Castelfranco; 1477 – 1510) GIORGIONE (Giorgo da Castelfranco; 1477 – 1510...the Venetian school. Although little is known about Giorgione, it is clear that in the course of a brief career...
|
|
Giorgione (1477–1510)
Book article from: The Renaissance
Giorgione (1477 – 1510) Venetian painter...painter, but were later destroyed. Giorgione specialized in paintings commissioned...have disagreed on works attributed to Giorgione, with only about six definitely by his...
|
|
Venice, Art in
Encyclopedia entry from: Europe, 1450 to 1789: Encyclopedia of the Early Modern World
...between art and society in the city. Giorgione (c. 1477 – 1511) was the...Perhaps most significant in this regard was Giorgione's partial withdrawal from the kind...narrow elite of high-ranking patrons, Giorgione produced sophisticated "private" paintings...
|
|
Titian
Book article from: The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Art and Artists
...early work he came under the spell of Giorgione , with whom he had a close relationship...German warehouse) in Venice, and after Giorgione's early death in 1510 Titian is said...Venice for Rome, and with him gone and Giorgione dead, only the aged Bellini stood between...
|